•'jujnv iu» 'JU3/Mni| Jl» LWFUNIVERS/a ^v>;lOSANCElfx> .^OFCALIFO/?^ ^OFCAIIFO %a3AINfHV\V '^^6'Aavaaiv^^ ^<9A«vyan ^>r ^lllBRARYQ^ •-3 1 ir^ ^ ^lUBRARYO^ ^.!/0JnV3J0'f^ ^^WEUKIVERS•/^ %a]AiN[i] ^^OFCAllFOfiV .^OFCAllFOfiU;, •^WfUNIVERJ/A ^>:10SACFL ^(?A!ivaani^ - 7r svlOSANCFlfX- c<. ^^^^•l!BRARYQc ^igitizfed by the Internet Archive 3 Izzpk in ^007 with funding from -^ 5 ,-Jj^ gicresqft Corpofation ^ "^IJONVSOl^ ^/ia]AINa]\\V^ '^ii's© ^WEUNIVER% ^lOSANCEl ://w^w.archive.org/details'/epistblaehoelian01howeiala Or o %J13AINa3Wv '^' %il3AINil3WV C3 '^ o "^JiiAlNil ]WV ^lUBRARYQr ^OJIWDJO'^ IFOff^ ^OFCA1IFO% AWEUMIVERS/a .bclOSANCFlfj> ^<:^Aavaani^^ ^OFfAllF0% • ^OFCALIF0% ''^/5il3AINil 3WV ^(JAavaaiiA^ ^(^AMvaaii-^^ .^WEUNIVERSy, c ^^L1BRARYQ^ ^' AWEUNWER.?//, .V^SANCELff;^ o XX Testimonia. execution; how Ben Jonson behaved in his cups; how foreign parts looked to a genuine English traveller early in the seventeenth century, and so forth. Moreover, the book was long a very popular one, and an unusual number of anecdotes and scraps passed from it into the general literary stock of English writers. But Howell's manner of telling his stories is not extraordinarily attractive, and has something self-conscious and artificial about it which detracts from its interest. G. Saintsbury, Elizabethan Literature (1887), p. 441. INTRODUCTION. HEN Wales conquered England in 1485, one consequence of the conquest was that Welshmen found a carrihe ouverte in the civil and military services of England. The finest spirits of the Prin- cipality looked henceforth to England as a fit field for the exercise of their talents. It soon came about that Wales contributed her quota to the spiritual, as well as the practical, life of Eng- land. In the Jacobean period especially, a circle of remark- able men make a distinct Welsh group in the band of English writers. The brothers Herbert, the poet and the autobiographer, the brothers Vaughan, and James Howell, have something special about them — a mystic grace in the poet, an overweening vanity in the autobiographer, and a vivacity in the letter writer — which may fairly be set down to their Welsh origin. Of these writers Howell is personally as interesting as any, and it would not be too bold to claim for his chief work, the Epistolce Ho-Eliance,^ that it is the most important contribution Wales has made to English literature. 1 It may be desirable, even at this early stage, to remind tlie reader that our hero's name is to be pronounced Ho-el. It xxii Introduction. It cannot be said that either Wales or England has re- cognised adequately Howell's claims as writer or as man. Wales in particular is not so rich in great contributions to English letters that she can afford to neglect perhaps the most important of all. In order to justify both this claim and the implied reproach^ a somewhat fuller account of the man and his writings must be afforded than would be neces- sary merely to introduce the Epistolce Ho-EliaiicB. I. I. HOWELL'S LIFE.i Qu<^ Regio in terris ttostro non nota Jacobo. — P. Fisher. 'AMES HOWELL was born at Abernant,^ CO. Carmarthen, in July 1593-^ "At my nativity," says he {infra, p. 372), "my ascendant was that hot constellation of Cancer about the Dog-days, as my Ephe- merides tells me ; Mars was then predo- minant : Of all the elements Fire sways most in me ; I have many aspiring and airy odd thoughts swell often in me; according to the quality of the ground ^ The chief authority for Howell's life has hitherto been Anthony a Wood, Athene Oxon. (ed. Bliss, iii. 744, seq.) : it has not hitherto been noticed that this biography is merely a cento of Howell's own statements in the Letters. The admirable life in the Biographia Britannica goes still further in the same direction. The Latin poem prefixed by Payne Fisher to Howell's Poems has some new points. A few additional facts from the State Papers were given by Mr. J. E. Bailey, 5 Notes and Queries, xi. 450, and these were incorporated in the anonymous life in the last edition of the Ency. Brit. Mr. Lee's succinct account in the Diet. Nat. Biog. has several new suggestions. Where no authority is given in the following account, a reference will easily be found, s. V. Ho7vell, James, in the Index. " Theophilus Jones claims him for Brecknockshire in his History of the county, ii. 270, and has been followed by Nicholas, Annals of Wales, p. 102; P. C. Jones, Cymru (in Welsh, 1875), s. v. Howel, James, and Mr. Bailey. But on T. Jones' own showing (I.e. 279) Howell's father vacated the cure of Cefn-Bryn in 1583. Howell is, besides, attributed to Carmarthen in the matriculation lists of his University, where such attribution was of importance in the grant of fellowships. See notes on pp. 218, 238, 688. * When he entered Jesus Coll., Oxon., in June 1610, he was 16, ergo, he should have been bom in 1 593, whereon xxiv Introduction. whereon I was born, which was the belly of a huge Hill situated South-East ; so that the House I came from (be- sides my Father's and Mother's Coat) must needs be Illus- trious, being more obvious to the Sun-beams than ordinary. I have, upon occasion of a sudden distemper, sometimes a mad-man, sometimes a fool, sometimes a melancholy odd fellow to deal withal ; I mean myself, for I have the humours within me that belong to all three, therefore I came tumbling out into the World a pure Cadet, a true Cosmopolite ; not born to Land, Lease, House, or Office." His father was one Thomas Howell, of whom all that is known is that he was curate of Cefn-Bryn, in Llangammarch, CO. Brecon, 1576—83, and rector of Cynwil and Abernant, co. Carmarthen, 1583-1631 (Th. Jones, Hist, of Brecknockshire, ii. 270) ; his mother is declared by the same authority to have been the daughter of one Chantor Huet, and was possibly sister-in-law to Sir Sackville Trevor, whom Howell addresses as " uncle." He claims Gwynns, Vaughans, Prices, St Johns as his "cousins," a somewhat elastic term in the seventeenth century, and in his letter to Philip, Earl of Pembroke {Bill. List, No. 20), he boasts of kinship with the Herberts.^ Welsh genealogies are proverbially intricate, and are ren- dered so by the fact that surnames were only adopted in the Principality under Roland Lee's ordinance of 1536. But, though difficult, Welsh genealogies are more than usually trustworthy ; for, owing to the clan tenure of Wales, a man's genealogy represented his title-deeds. The genealogy of the Howells can be traced (in a Harleian MS. at the British Museum) back to Tudwal Gloff, son of Rhodri the Great, who flourished in the ninth century. More interest perhaps attaches to the descending than to the ascending ^ Portraits of the Howells, including one of James probably taken from the Melan plate, were still preserved, in 1801 at Landeilo House (at Llandeilo Cresseny, on the road between Abergaveny and Carmarthen), the seat of the cadet branch of tlie Powells (ap. Howell), descended from the Herberts (W. Coxe, Tottr in Monmouth, ii. 284). This appears now to be in the possession of Rev. H. Howell of Blaina (D.N.B. s.v.). .; lines HOWELLS O" TUDWAL G A uthoritks. Harl. MS., 4181. " ^ Howell's Letters and Will. MS. Pedigree lent by J. Bagnall Evans Jones, Brecon, I. i. 672. Bios- Brit., s.v. Esq. Howel ab David ab Einion ; ab Howel ab Mad ab Tudwal ab G abTi Gruffyd. I I I . Humphrey. Thomas. Benjamin. Mary. Humphrey. Benjamin. James. Howel Rachel. = Evan David of Trialy/nvl. David. Thomas Dr.=J. O Enoch. I John Enoch, Cardigan Militia. Howell. John, William Evans. Col. 23rd Welsh Fusiliers. I Dr.= D. Lewis, M.D. James. David. I Rachel. = D. E. Johns. _ Sarah. = Silvan Evans. D. Silvan Evans, B.D. Howell Howell | ^| \ oi Abernant. David. James, Charle- I author of writer. 12 books. Mary. J. Bagnall Maria. 1 1 = W. H.Awdry Evans, =WL. Phillips Thomas. Theophilu.s. M.A.,J.P. oi Clynguiyn. | of Chippenham. Thomas. Henry W Howell Hugh, Dr.= of Glaspant. Rector of Rev. W. Lloyd, Llanfymach. Rector of Manordeiji. TheophilusIV., Camcloch. Rev. J. Howell, Coventry. William. Rev. G. Howell, Llangattoch. Rev. J. Griffiths, Llandeila Vatvr. David. John. David Howell of Gilfach IVtuiii. Thomas. Howell. 1 James, Ta Vicar of D.J Clutton. 1 iry. Ann. Harriet E Rev. V PENCAERAU. F"F, fl. 878 A.D. >wel ab John Fychau ab John I Howel ab Gruffyd lb Aulau ab Alser Gloff. Thomas, Curate of Llangammarch, Vicar of Conwil and Abertiani, = (i) Dr. of J. D. Powell oi Bualt ; (2) Catharine Foy. Thomas, Bishop of Bristol. I JAMES, 1593-1666, Historio- grapher Royal. I , I Ann. Rebecca. = = Hugh (i) Rev. J. Prichard. Penny. (2) Rhys Vaughan of Cors-y-Gedol. (3) John Price of Richardston. Griffith. Mary.= Rev. Jacob Wood. Edward. Dr. = Roberta. = Gwyn. Price. John. Henry. Charles. Thomas, George, Fellow of Rector of New Coll., Buckland. 1 Oxon. Jeremiah. Howel Howel Welsh writer. Vicar of Llanbowy. \ 1 ) Hannah. 1 Thomas, 1 Benjamin, 5. author of Rector of "Travels Llyswan. through 1 Anatolia." Thomas. = Anne Commodore Hughes. tis, Jenkins. Howel Thomas, Gwyn >« adopted Howel of name of Llanelwed Hughes of Hall. Glynn and Brillington. Griffith. Arthur. Robert, at Chichester, 1695. Elizabeth. = J. Bannister. Hugh. James. Meredith, I Vicar of Charles. Brecon, had Hugh, ob. 1799. s.p. Mary. = L. Harcourt of Dan-y- Park. [Between ^p. xxiv. xxv Introduction, xxv lines of the pedigree of a man of repute. James Howell himself never married, but cousins, brothers, and sisters of his have wed and multiplied considerably since the seven- teenth century. Thanks to the courtesy of Mr. J. Bagnall Evans, a descendant of Howell's uncle Griffith, I have been able to draw up the accompanying pedigree of the Howells of Pencaerauj which indicates James Howell's immediate relationships, and at the same time indicates the families now living, who have a personal interest in his name and fame.'^ I have managed to be equally successful with his " Father's and Mother's Coat" of arms referred to in the above extract. Howell destroyed the artistic value of the second state of the plate attached to many of his works by inserting his shield and crest : I have had this engraved for the title-page of the present edition. This has been adopted by a de- scendant of the Howellsj who blazons it {cf. T. Nicholas, An7ials and Families of Wales, i. ii6) as follows : — I. Azure, a wolf salient, ppr [should be, arg. cf. Berry, s. v. Howell] ; 2. Arg. a chev. gu. between three cocks ; 3. Erm. charged with a chev. gu. in chief, a lioncil, ppr ; 4. Sable, a ion rampant or [should be, reguardant] ; 5. Or, a lion rampant gules; 6. Sable, a bend or between two daggers ppr, hiked or [should be, the one in chief pointing upwards, the one in base downwards, hilts and pomels of the second]. Crest, a wolf, ppr.^ It is worth while lingering on these particulars, as a man's ^ I have added something from the sources indicated in the margin, while I have expunged from Mr. Evans' MS. pedigree the names of the spouses in most instances, as well as those persons who are mentioned as having died sine prole. I should be glad to receive corrections and additions. The de- scendants of Bishop Howell and of Hugh Penry ought to be more traceable. - With the aid of Mr. Everard Green, F.S.A., I have identified the follow- ing quarterings : — i. Howell. 2. Owen. 3. Jenkyn, ap. David. 6. Gwynne of Trecastle. It is, perhaps, worth while adding that Howell's brother, Bishop of Bristol, had for arms — Gu., a falcon rising, wings expanded, arg. (Bedford, Blazon of Episcopacy, p. 23). I fancy, however, that this is a mistake. Both Howells use this on their seal. career xxvi Introduction. career before the French Revolution depended in no small degree on his genealogy. " In this world/' says Goethe, "a man must be either hammer or anvil/' and, in the England of the Stuarts, it depended on a man's family to which of these classes he belonged. The hard knocks of fortune which Howell suffered would indicate that he belonged to the latter and less fortunate class, and found little aid from the influ- ential families of whose relationship he characteristically boasts. But they undoubtedly determined the circle of friends with which he began life, and to some degree the employment in which he started. It is sufficient for our purpose to recollect that James Howell belonged by birth and kindred to the set of Welsh families introduced into English public life by the Tudors. Of his early years little is to be gathered. In the opening Letter (of the first edition) he thanks his father for "that most indulgent and costly care you have been pleased to have had of my Breeding (tho' but one Child oi fifteen), by plac- ing me in a choice methodical School (so far distant from your Dwelling) under a learned (tho' lashing) Master; and by transplanting me thence to Oxford to be graduated." The school was Hereford grammar school, the Master one Harley.i He appears to have received a sound classical training there. Mention is made of Virgil,^ Lucan, Terence, and Plautus as forming the subject of his studies. On the i6th of June 1610, "Howell, James, Carmath.,. cler[ici] fil[ius], 16," of Jesus College, matriculated at Ox- ford (A. Clark, Registers Matric, ii. 312), and on 17th Dec. 1613, he was admitted Bachelor of Arts {ibid., Degrees, iii. 334). Of his college chums we can trace in the Registers T. Pritchard (ii. 317, iii. 315): Christopher Jones (ii. 298, iii. 306) ; James Crofts (ii. 339) ; Edw. Rumsey (ii. 329) ; and Tom Bowyer (iii. 319), all of Jesus College. The only ^ Payne Fisher in the Latin poem prefixed to Howell's Poems. Suppt. No. xxxviii. '■^ Under the. curious form "Flacci Epos," see note on p, 689. recollection Introduction. xxvii recollection given of his school or 'Varsity days in the Letters is where he doubts {infra, p. 71) '^whether I had the same identical individually numerical Body when I carried a Calf- leather Sachel to School in Hereford, as when I wore a Lamb- skin Hood in Oxford." We should remember, however, that his mother-tongue was Welsh ; the need of a special College at Oxford for Welshmen was due to the fact that English had to be learned as a foreign tongue by the young Welsh students who came up to the University.^ Howell is among the not small class of English writers, like the brothers Vaughan, David Hume, Hugh Miller and Prof. Bain, to whom English was originally a foreign tongue that had to be acquired consciously. His other studies at the University were of the ordinary course then pursued at the seats of learning — logic, rhetoric and mathematics — or as he puts it, "the briars of logic, the fields of philosophy and the mathe- matics" (p. 433). One of the most influential men at Jesus during Howell's undergraduate days was Dr. Francis Mansel, soon to be Principal ^ of the College. He was a Carmarthenshire man, and probably Howell had known him ''at home." His brother, Sir Robert Mansel, was perhaps the most promi- nent of the sea-dogs that succeeded the school of Drake. During the peace with Spain, Sir Robert amused his leisure with an attempt to introduce the Italian methods of making glass.^ He had acquired rights in a patent for "making glass with pit-coal" (instead of wood), which became in 1 615 one of the monopolies for which James I.'s reign was notorious. Sir Robert was destined to spend some ;^30,ooo on this business, an enormous sum in those days. He had just started a factory at Broad Street, with Italian workmen ^ The poets Vaughan only spoke Welsh in their youth ( Works, ed. Grosart, vol. ii. pp. 29&-9). ^ See notes on I. i. 3, p. 21. ' Mansel fills a considerable space in Hondoy, Les Verreries, cxxxviii.-xl. trying xxviii Introduction. trying the new methods, and Howell's first employment^ in life was as steward to this glass-house in Broad Street. Curiously enough, some of the glass made at the factory was unearthed some years ago during some excavations in Broad Street, and specimens were exhibited before the Archaeological Institute, and described in the Journal.^ Howell did not find his post as Steward of the Glass-house very congenial to him, though he began his career as a practical philologist by picking up the rudiments of Italian from the Venetian workmen. He also laid the foundation of a lasting friendship with the Altham family in Bishops- gate. He seems, too, to have sown his wild oats in company with a college chum, Dan. Caldwell, his brother-in-law Jack Toldervy, and another Jesus man, Tom Bowyer, after- wards to be Captain Bowyer. Casual references to merry times at the Fleece in Cornhill indicate Howell's capacity for enjoyment and vivid interest in the new life that was opening out before him. Still wider was the opening that presented itself to Howell after a few months of his stewardship. The enterprise on which Mansel was engaged needed a regular supply of work- men from Venice, and of the alkali known as ''baryllia" from Alicant in Spain.^ Howell was selected by him as a travelling agent to make arrangements for these two needs, and the first section of the Letters deal with his grand tour in search of them. In the spring of 1617, so far as can be ascertained,^ ^ There is some indication of his having studied at the Temple, in a letter to Caldwell (I. i. 6, p. 27, last line). 2 Journ. Arch. Instii., xxx. 204, xxxi. 108. The pieces seem to bear a resem- blance in shape to those reintroduced to London of recent years by Dr. Salviati. ^ See note on p. 60, and the elaborate note D of the Biog. Brit., s. v. Howell, James. * The dates in the Letters themselves are perfectly untrustworthy, as we shall see, infra, p. Ixxiii.-vi. I have therefore been obliged to make my own chronological scheme, which is, roughly : Section I. 1617-20, Holland, France, Spain, Italy ; II. 1620-22, St. Osyth, and Tour with Altham ; III. 1622- 24, Spanish Match ; IV. 1624-27, London and York ; V. 1627-32, York and London ; VI. 1632-45, Embassy to Denmark ; Intelligencer and Fleet Prison. Howell Introduction. xxix Howell started from Gravesend for Amsterdam. He was ^* pitifully sick all the voyage, for the weather was rough and the wind untowards," but soon recovered, and began his peregrination through Holland, with a view to learning, not Dutch, as might be thought, but French (p. 37). He was struck by the cleanliness of the Dutch, a virtue which, it is said, they invented, and took note of their learning; but otherwise does not seem to have been much impressed by the Low Countries, even though they were then at the acme of their culture and influence. So on to Paris, then, according to Howell, the filthiest city in Christendom, via Leyden, The Hague, Middleborough, Antwerp, and Rouen — a curious route. There is extremely little in the letters from Paris ^ about the town itself or its inhabitants, and it is somewhat difficult to guess what Howell was at in his travels through the Low Countries to Paris. From a reference at the beginning of Letter XVL, it would seem that his expenses were paid for by the Glass-house authori- ties,^ yet it is difficult to see what purpose of that establish- ment he could serve by his travels.^ It would seem as if Sir Robert Mansel, finding him too young for the steward- ship at Broad Street, had determined to give him the general education and fitness for the position which extended travel would produce.* After a couple of months' stay in Paris he started for Spain by the somewhat roundabout route of going to St. Malo. Here he hoped to find a vessel to carry him round by water. A touch of local patriotism peeps out in his visit to Brittany, when he discovers the resemblance of the » I. i. 16-19, pp- 42-53- '" Captain F. Bacon, who sends the Bills of Exchange (p. 42), had succeeded Howell as Steward of the Glass-house (p. 27). ^ Possibly he may have been sent to Holland to secure the services of one of the Miotti family, the chief glass-workers of the time. He meets with one at Middleborough, p. 37. * Howell says expressly (p. 103) ; " I shall ever acknowledge a good part of my education from him." local XXX Introduction. local patois to Welsh. Failing to take ship at St. Malo, he proceeds leisurely, vid Bordeaux and Toulouse, over the Pyrenees to Barcelona, where he arrived in the autumn of 1617. In Spain he remains for nearly a year, visiting in succession Barcelona, Valencia, and Alicant. At the last- named place we find him at last doing business for the Glass-house, making arrangement for a consignment of ;^2000 worth of baryllia, one of the chief ingredients used by the Venetians in making their glass. After spending a whole year in Spain, Howell took sail in a Dutchman for Italy, and seems to have coasted along the north shore of the Mediterranean, passing through Scylla and Charybdis, and, if we may judge by casual references,^ landing in Sicily. After a toilsome voyage, he arrives before Venice in the autumn of 1618, but had to undergo a month's quarantine before landing. Here at Venice he " apply'd himself to dispatch your [Sir R. Man- sel's] business according to instructions" (p. 6^), by for- warding him two skilled Italian workmen, one of them a member of the Miotti familv, the chief repositories of the trade secrets of glass manufacture. Venice made upon Howell the deepest impression of all the towns he visited on the Continent. Having executed the main object of his travels by arrang- ing for the Barillia at Alicant and for the workmen at Venice, Howell seems to have thrown off his connection with Sir Robert Mansel, and for a time travelled aimlessly through Italy, visiting, as he says (p. 93), "Venice the Rich, Padua the Learned, Bologna the Fat, Rome the Holy,^ Naples the Gentle, Genoa the Proud, Florence the Fair, and Milan the Great," whence he came to Turin and pre- pared to scale the Alps, those " uncouth, huge, monstrous excrescences of Nature," as he calls them. Howell seems ^ See notes on p. 66, 344. - This was against tlie direct prohibition of his warrant to travel, which forbade any visit to Rome or St. Omers, the chief centres of Romanist travel. See note on p. 22. to Introduction. xxxi to have tramped all the way from Turin across the Alps to Lyons, returning with a band of French pilgrims to Rome. At Lyons, however, he fell in with a countryman of his (i.e. a Welshman), one Lewis, whom he had known at Alicant, and by whom he was provided with cash. He started for home, making a detour to see Geneva, the head centre of Calvinism, and sailing down the Loire and Seine, reached Gravesend in the winter of 1620.^ His privations had told upon him, and he arrived in London insensible, and had to be tended by his brother Thomas, afterwards Bishop of Bristol, who was at that time Rector of St. Stephen's, Wal brook. When he recovered under the care of the great Harvey, Howell had to look about him for employment. Sir Robert Mansel was at sea, and it was doubtful how far the costly experiment of glass-making would be carried on. Howell applied for the post of Secretary to Sir John Eyre, the Ambassador at Constantinople, but he had been anticipated. From this dilemma Howell was released by the action of Sir James Croft, his father's firm friend and a man of much influence. He recommended the young Welshman as travelling tutor to the two sons of Sir Thomas Savage, son-in-law of Lord Darcy of Chiche (St. Osyth) in Essex. He accordingly spent the summer of 162 1 in Essex, either at Long Melford near Sudbury, the seat of Sir Thomas Savage, or at St. Osyth, that of Lord Darcy, who that summer became Viscount Colchester, and later on blossomed into Earl Rivers. Howell gives an interesting and pleasing picture of a well-appointed country house in Jacobean Eng- land (L ii. 8, p. 106). He remained with his young pupils (one of whom, John, was to succeed to the titles of his grand- father) till the end of 1621, but declined to escort them on ^ I take the forty months of Foreign Travell, p. 80, to represent Howell's own experience of the grand tour. The reference to Cadenet's having arrived in I. ii. I, fixes the termhius ad quern of the first tour of Howell. the xxxii Introduction. the grand tour as they were Roman Catholics, and a dif- ference of creed between "governor" and pupils would be more embarrassing abroad. Nor did he care to spend another three years on the Continent.^ Howell accepted, however, a proposal to go abroad for a trip with young Richard Altham, one of the Althams of Bishopsgate, whom he had learned to know during his -stewardship in Broad Street. They seem to have started in the winter of 1621, and were away till the beginning of the following year. The route seems to have been Trevere, The Hague, Rotterdam, Antwerp, Brussels, Paris, Poissy, Orleans, and home again via Paris. While at Poissy Howell overworked himself by setting himself too great a number of books to read through, and brought on a recurrence of the imposthume that had caused him so much inconvenience on his return from his first tour. The resulting illness was serious, lasting six weeks, a length due, perhaps, to the remedy employed, if it is true, as he states, that he "parted with above fifty ounces [of blood] in less than a fortnight" (p. 136). Thus at the beginning of 1622 we find Howell once more in England and once more without employment. Here again fortune favoured him. He found waiting for him an enterprise which ultimatelv brought him in contact with public life, and, what is more important for us, caused him to be the spectator and historian of one of the most romantic episodes in English history, the journey of Prince Charles and Buckingham to Madrid, and the final breaking off of the Spanish Match. It came about in this way. An English merchantman in the Levant trade, named the Vineyard, and belonging to some London merchants, was forced by stress of weather into a port of Sardinia, which at that time belonged to Spain. The Sardinian authorities found the cargo very valuable — worth ;;^30,ooo, says Howell — and on the pretext that she was carrying war material to ^ See I. iii. 2, p. 145. the Introduction. xxxiii the Grand Turk, against the maritime regulations of the time, seized her and her goods as contraband. The Turkey merchants of London to whom the Vineyard belonged determined to appeal to the Spanish Court against this high-handed proceeding, and for some time the affair of the Fineyard was a standing order in every Spanish Am- bassador's instructions who left London for Madrid. On his appointment in the early part of 1632, Lord JohnDigby (soon to be Earl of Bristol) suggested to the merchants who were interested in the Fineyard, among them Sir R. Napier and Captain Leat, that they should send an agent who should solely devote himself to so important a matter, and, he did not add, relieve himself of a very troublesome busi- ness. Howell seemed specially suited for this position, owing to his previous long residence in Spain, as likewise that he would be content to undertake the affair on the speculation of only getting his expenses if he failed, and the moderate fee of ten per cent, if he succeeded.^ Howell did not start, as he had intended, with Lord Digby. It appears that his friend Altham and he had an alter- cation with some Serjeants in Lombard Street, which de- tained him — he is not very explicit how — for three weeks after the Ambassador. Young blood will out, and a parting dinner at the Fleece or the Ship would not have an appro- priate ending unless after an interview with the Serjeants of Lombard Street and their superiors. Arrived in Spain, Howell is able to present himself at Court at the first interview of Lord Digby and Philip IV. Howell himself is somewhat of an accredited representative,., since James I. took up the case of the Vineyard, and Howell had kissed hands on appointment (p. 152). At first all goes well, so well indeed that the sanguine Welshman reckons up the quarter of a million crowns which the award in favour of his patrons will come to, counting principal and interest ^ I deduce this from H.'s expression " it is like to be out of my way ;^3000 " (P- 193)- and. xxxiv Introduction. and proccssal charges (p. 154). The chief delinquent, Conde del Real, the former Sardinian Viceroy, who had seized the ship, was at Madrid and attachable, being Major Domo to the Infante, Cardinal Archbishop of Toledo. Matters got so far, thanks to Howell's introduction with Olivares, the all-powerful minister of Philip IV., that referees were nominated (p. 156), a warrant was granted against Conde del Real (p. 163), who began to make overtures for a compromise, and Howell made preparations to go over to Sardinia (pp. 161, 162), where he had obtained a concession for shipping corn duty free (p. 167). Suddenly a new complexion was put upon the negocia- tions about the Vineyard affair, as well as all others, by the unexpected appearance of Prince Charles and Buckingham at the Earl of Bristol's house in Madrid on Friday, March 7, 1623. In reality the relations of the two Courts were made more difficult by the romantic yet foolhardy journey, as Howell was soon to find out. Having so much to ask from the Spanish king, Charles and his advisers did not wish to be under an obligation to him in the Vineyard affair; at least that is how I interpret Cottington's intervention in the affair (p. 167), with directions not to proceed further till after Charles's departure. Howell had accordingly nothing to do but look on at the Court merrymakings, the ups and downs of the negociations for the match, and make acquaintance with the Prince's retinue, some of whom, e.g., Sir Kenelm Digby, became his fast friends. The delays of the Junta and of the Pope, the dispensation and the proxy, the bull-fights and the visits to notable sights, all pass before us in the Letters, and form their most important portion as historical documents. The match was broken off, and all hope of recovering the ;^30,ooo of the Vineyard was gone; so Howell determined to come home with the convoy that took charge of the jewels (valued at 400,000 crowns) which Charles had in- tended to present to the Infanta. In company with Mr. (afterwards Sir Peter) Wych he made a five days' journey from Introduction. xxxv from Madrid to Bilboa, and thence by sea to Plymouth in October 1624. For the third time in his short life of thirty years our wandering stone had been dislodged from his resting-place. Here he was again in London as a sturdy rogue and vaga- bond, without visible means of subsistence. It is true that during his absence in Spain his old College at Oxford had elected him fellow (see Doc, xl.), but the foundation was not rich, and the glorious institution of non-resident fellowships was not then in existence. He had gained some friends and patrons, but the chief of them, Bristol, was out of favour at Court from the time of his return from Spain, and was soon to be banished to his place at Sherburne. Howell seems to have hung about the Court in the spirit and probably with the spirits of Mr. Micawber. Any hopes of advancement from King James died away with his death in the following spring of 1625. Bucking- ham practically succeeded to the throne, and seems to have taken a dislike to Howell, as of the party of his chief rival, Bristol. To the application of some of his friends to make Howell a fourth secretary (p. 223), Buckingham replied, with some wit and more force, that he was "too much Digbyfied,'' and Howell was left with nothing better to do than teach Spanish to the Marchioness of Winchester, sister of his old pupils the Savages. Meanwhile he took occasion to visit his father in Wales, and his mother, as he calls his University of Oxford, where Charles's first Parliament was sitting, August 1626, to avoid the plague, then raging in London. It was also doubtless during this period that the only incident in Howell's life recorded by another took place, if it did ever take place.^ Sir Kenelm Digby in his description of his powder of sympathy, which cures wounds telepathetically ^ Mr. Lee, D.N.B. s.v. Howell, places the incident in Spain, but the reference to " the court " negatives the possibility of this. (it xxxvi Introduction, (it was published as late as 1658), claims Howell as his first "subject," and reports that he had been wounded in trying to interfere in a duel between two of his friends, and that he had been cured by the garter which had dressed his wound being placed during Howell's absence in Sir Kenelm's magic powder.^ Howell indeed mentions the prevalence of duels among his friends (see p. 284), but says nothing of his presence or interference, still less of his being wounded in one of them. Yet Sir Kenelm's account was published during Howell's lifetime, and was, according to Aubrey, even put into English by him from the original French. For these two years (1624-36) we have nothing very definite about Howell's doings; indeed, after his second return from Spain there is a marked reticence in Howell's references to his doings in the Letters. From a document I have printed from the Record Office (Doc. i.), it would appear that it was part of Howell's work in life to keep an eye on suspicious characters. In 1627, it would seem ^ negociations were entered into with Howell on behalf of what may be called the Foreign Office of the period, with regard to a post of " travelling agent " in Italy. This was, in fact, nothing more or less than a post as political spy, one of some difficulty, delicacy, and danger, which would not have been too highly paid at the rate of ;^400 a year, which Howell demanded for it. The negociations broke oflT on this issue, which makes one suspect they were only en- tered into to escape the importunities of our not over- modest hero, who, according to his own account, even dared to suggest to Buckingham that he would do well to organise his establishment at York House better, the suggestion evidently being that he, Howell, might be of use in the said organisation. Everything comes to him who waits and asks. So after ^ See Suppt. II. No. xxii. and notes. ^ Conway only became Lord Conway in that year ; see note on p. 239. more Introduction. xxxvii more than two years' weary waiting, Howell's importunities at Court were rewarded with the post of Secretary to Lord Scrope (afterwards Earl of Sunderland), who had been ap- pointed Lord President of the North.^ This turned out to be a snug thing, "a fee from the King, diet for myself and two servants, livery for a horse, and a part of the King's house for a lodsins;." He seems to have made himself popular in Yorkshire, for at the election of 1627 he was elected M.P. for Richmond in that county, even against the candidature of a man of considerable influence, Chris- topher Wandsford, who was supported by the powerful Wentworth. Howell does not seem to have made any figure in Parliament, no record existing of his having ever spoken. He promised his constituents to follow faithfully the lead of the senior member of the borough. Sir Talbot Bows, in anything relating to its interests : *' this," he adds, " I take to be the true duty of a Parliamentary Burgess, without roving at random to generals" (p. 250). For the next few years our notices of him are very scanty, though judging from the Letters which may be ascribed to that time he must have been much up in London. During some of these visits he made acquaintance with Ben Jonson, whom he calls father. He seems to have enrolled himself of the Tribe of Ben, who gathered round the chief of their clan at the Old Devil, and formed the first of those literary courts that have had so much influence on our literature. He again resumed, on these visits to London, his intercourse with Dan Caldwell and Jack Toldervy, though the latter's bacchanalian indulgence shocked the now staid M.P. and Secretary to the President of the North. He was not destined, however, to retain his Secretaryship long. He had the ill-luck or the bad judgment to choose unlucky patrons. Bristol was in disgrace, and now the Earl ^ He had possibly been recommended by his friend Dr. Prichard, as he was summoned to Worcester Mouse (p. 242, r/C p. 131). of d xxxviii Introduction. of Sunderland fell ill, and Lord Wentworth, now reconciled to the King and preparing for a thorough policy, succeeded him as Lord President of the North in the autumn of 1628. Some compensation was made to Howell by Sunderland, who gave him the advowson of Hambledon, which, with characteristic generosity, he offered to his brother (p. 366). Wentworth also dismissed him civilly with the presentation to the next Attorney's place at York (pp. i']^ and 649), which brought Howell in £,\oo or so. Though his official connection with the Earl of Sunder- land was thus at an end, he seems to have continued to act for him as a kind of private secretary and ''odd man." Sunderland had given up the Presidency of the North as much from ill-health as anything,^ and he remained under the doctor's care till his death in 1630, during which time Howell appears to have acted for him in various matters of business, and even saw to the burial of the Earl's mother, the Dowager Lady Scrope (p. 274). Again a two years' blank occurs in our knowledge of Howell's doings after the death of Sunderland in 1630. Then we have full details of an episode which evidently shone out in our hero's recollection as the height of his achievements. In 1632 the Queen-Dowager of Denmark, James I.'s mother-in-law and Charles I.'s grandmother, had died with very great savings, "so that she was reputed the richest Queen in Christendom" (p. 288). The Earl of Leicester was appointed Ambassador Extraordinary to condole with the King of Denmark and put in a claim for a share in the late Queen's dollars. The condolence, being the ostensible object, had to be expressed in suitable language — in other words, the mission would not be com- plete without an orator to do the official grief in Latin. To his evident delight, Howell was selected as orator and secretary to the embassy. ^ So I judge from the expressions on p. 274 ; but the letter is evidently " cooked." See Notes. The Introduction. xxxix The embassy occupied some two and a half months, and is fully described in the Letters as in a Latin account by Howell which I discovered in the Bodleian and have printed in the Supplement to the Letters (pp. 651-3). Howell had also the necessary arrangements to make for the voyage, and letters are still extant (Suppt. H. Nos. xxiii-xxvi.) exchanged between him and Sir John Pennington, the captain entrusted with the transport of the ambassador's train. Starting from Margate on September 12, on the i8th Pennington landed Howell at Brusbiittel, who secured lodgings for his lordship at Gluckstadt. From here Howell journeyed to Hamburg to cash some bills of exchange, and returned to Rensburgh, where the King now was. Here he had the honour to deliver no less than three consolatory speeches in Latin to the King and his two sons. Then to business, which lasted about a month, during which a con- siderable quantity of liquor must have been consumed, as at one banquet of the King's, lasting from eleven till evening, no less than thirty-five healths were drunk. " A custom more honoured in the breach than in the observance." ^ The Earl of Leicester showed his superiority by drinking the toasts and yet managing to reach his lodgings without the help of the King's guard, two of whom offered him their arms (p. 395). The King, according to Howell, had to be carried off in his chair. One suspects a certain amount of prejudice against a king of whom Howell reports that he did not "part with presents" (p. 295). From Rensburgh to Gothorp, to give Howell another opportunity for a Latin speech to the Duke of Holstein, a grandson of Queen Sophia: "our entertainment there was brave, tho' a little fulsome." Thence to Husem, where Howell succeeded in drawing tears from the Duchess of 1 It is likely enough that Shakespeare was pointing at sucli Danish customs in the carousal scene, Hamlet, i. 3. Holstein xl Introduction. Holstein. So back to Rensburgh, Hamburg, and Brus- biittel, where Pennington re-shipped them on November 22, 1632, and safely landed them on the 30th. They brought with them the news of Gustavus Adolphus's death, and Howell found on his arrival that his father had died during his absence. The letter his son writes at the news (I. vi. 7, p. 306) is a pleasing exhibition of a good father appre- ciated by a good son. Some time after his return from Denmark, Howell was on the look-out for a fixed employment in some office of State, but in vain. His importunities seem to have set the permanent officials against him. In a letter I have un- earthed from the Record Office, his brother Thomas, after- wards the Bishop of Bristol, desires Secretary Windebank not to be prejudiced against him, Thomas, because of his brother's urgencies. In this, as subsequently in the escape of Dr. Howell from the clutches of the Commons (Doc. No. xxix.), we have an interesting contrast of the successful sneak -and the ill luck of the mbre open nature. Howell pro- bably never knew of this unkind intervention of his brother, and we find him kind to the Bishop's children up to the day of his death. This embassy to Denmark is almost the last glimpse we get of any visible means of subsistence for James Howell, who gives us little or no information as to his sources of income or actual work for the next ten years. It is not difficult, I fancy, to fill up the gap, and by so doing ex- plain Howell's reticence in speaking of this part of his life, especially under the circumstances under which his book was first published. As early as 1625 ^'^ ^"<^ ^ letter of his in the Record Office giving information to the Government of a dangerous " pragmatical " fellow. In the Stafford Letters for 1635 there is a whole series from Howell giving the news of the day to Wentworth while in Ireland and ■carrying the policy of thorough in its full vigour. We hear of sudden missions to Orleans (p. 321), and later on to Ruelle to see Richelieu (p. 352); and when Wentworth is Introduction. xli is preparing the final coup of the Army of the North, we have Howell summoned to him at Dublin and dispatched to Edinburgh at the meeting of the Scots Parliament (I. vi. 34-38) in 1639. Hopes were held out to him by Went- worth of a clerkship to the Irish Council, and by Charles himself of the succession to Sir Edward Nicholas's place as Clerk of the Privy Council. But meanwhile Howell's work as "travelling agent" or as "intelligencer," or what- ever other name he chose to disguise his calling, was toQ well done for his masters to exchange the fidelity of expecta- tion for the sluggishness of gratitude. There can be little doubt that during the ten years 1632-42 Howell was nothing more or less than a Royalist spy, not to put too fine a point on it. Hence the rancour with which he was ultimately dealt with by the Parliamentarians ; hence the reticence with which he speaks of the period ; hence the paucity of letters dealing with it, which had either been destroyed by Howell or seized by the Parliamentarians. When the Civil War broke out, Howell's functions became at once more important and more dangerous. He appears to have been sent on a secret mission to Richelieu, and speaks vaguely of the promises held out to him by the great minister. But his prospects at home were at last brightening. Charles at last gave way to his importunity, and on August 30, 1642, two days after the Royal Standard had been planted as a sign of war, James Howell was sworn in as an extra Clerk of the Council at Nottingham,^ and the King pro- mised him the very next post that should become vacant. Thus, to all appearance, was James Howell safely landed in a harbour of safety. At the mature age of forty-nine he had at last some prospects of a permanent position in life in a congenial employment for which his talents and experience exactly suited him. J Howell himself says at York {itifra, p. 667), but I give the entry from the Privy Council Minutes {infrUf p. 657), which shows that he is mistaken. I have to thank Sir Chas. Lenox Peel, the present Clerk to the Council, for permission to search the Minute Books. Alas xHi Introduction. Alas for the fleeting hopes of man ! Howell^ though he knew it not^ was going to be settled for life in quite a different position to that which he contemplated. A couple of months after his appointment his active career as a man of affairs^ was suddenly put an end to. As he tells the story himself (p. ;^55), he had ^'lately come up to London; . . . but one morning betimes there rushed into my chamber five Armed Men, with Swords, Pistols, and Bills, and told me they had a Warrant from the Parliament for me. ... So they rush'd presently into my Closet and seiz'd on all my Papers and Letters, and anything that was Manuscript, . . . and hurl'd all into a great hair Trunk, which they carry'd awav with them. . . . They suffer'd me to stay in my Chamber with two Guards upon me till the evening, at which time thev brought me before the Committee for Exa- mination, where I confess I found good respect ; And being brought up to the Close Committee, I was order'd to be forthcoming, till some Papers of mine were perus'd, and Mj'. Corbet was appointed to do it. Some davs after I came to Mr. Corhet, and he told me he had perused them, and could find nothing that might give offence. Hereupon I desir'd him to make a report to the House, according to which (as I was told) he did very fairly ; yet such was my hard hap, that I was committed to the Fleet, where I am now under close restraint." This passage is of crucial im- portance, both as giving the crisis of Howell's life and as throwing light on the question of the authenticity of his Letters, which will later concern us. Meanwhile let us remark that it is fully confirmed by the entry in the Com- mons Journals under date 14th Nov. 1642, "that Mr. James Howell be forthwith committed to the Fleet, there to remain during the Pleasure of the House." The dis- pleasure of the House lasted eight years,^ and can have been ^ Prynne, infra, p. 682, reports that he was engaged in the battle of Edge- hill. H. says nothing of this himself, and was scarcely likely to do so while he was in the power of the Parliamentarian*. - See Howell's own statement, p. 667. earned Introduction. xliii earned by no trivial cause. ^ At any rate, the entry in the Commons Journal is sufficient by itself to disprove Anthony a Wood's malicious assertion that he was cast into the Fleet for debt. It is perhaps worth while remarking that the order of the House was issued just two days after "the assault was intended to the City," and Charles, though he knew it not, had his last chance. The irritation against the King's adherents and instruments would be at its strongest just at that time. When once the gates of the Fleet had closed upon James Howell in his fiftieth year, his life as a man practically €nds. Henceforth it is as an author that he interests us. Leaving for a later division of this Introduction the multi- tudinous literary productions of Howell during his confine- ment in the Fleet and afterwards, we may rapidly and roughly run through the few remaining external events of his life, including the few occasions when his literary work attracted attention to himself personally. Just as Howell was being cast into the Fleet a book of his on foreign travel had been published by Humphrey Moseley, the chief publisher of the period,^ who was to be the means of providing employment for our hero during his incarceration, and for years afterwards. After a long life as a travelling agent Howell was destined, at the age of fifty, to learn new paces as a publisher's hack. Almost all his works were published by Moseley, and were suggested by that general purveyor of literature. In after-years Sir Roger L'Estrange had the laugh of Howell by pointing out the number of coats he turned in the trying and troublesome times between the Long Parliament and the Restoration. But the probability is that his tone was dictated by Moseley, though Howell, of course, is equally responsible for opinions published under his name (or with his initials). At an early ^ It is just possible that the letter of a Royalist spy signed J. H., and dated June II, 1642, may be by Howell. Hee Pari. Hist., vol, xxiii. pp. 87-9. - On him see Masson, Life of Milton, iii. 448-59 ; vi. 400-403. stage xliv Introduction. stage we find Howell put to defence by the redoubtable William Prynne, who published a couple of tracts on the matter in 1644.^ It says something for Howell's general character that even the rancorous Prynne speaks in respectful terms of the imprisoned Cavalier. Of his life in the Fleet we get a few glimpses in the Letters. He walked at times the long galleries; he was visited by his friends, or even made new ones among his fellow-prisoners. At first he was brought low by a severe attack of prison-fever (p. 421), but his buoyant nature bore up against this, and it only gave him occasion to indite a mock will, leaving all he had to leave — his intellect and heart — to various of his friends. He had the annoyance of seeing other prisoners released from the remaining prisons (p. 424). Yet all these and other disappointments from treacherous friends, like T. P. (p. 503), were unable to depress his spirits, and if he broods on his imprisonment, it is only in order to turn out such a mock epitaph as this (p. 431) : — " Here lies entombed a walking thing Whom Fortune {with the States) ^ did fling Between these walls. Why? Ask not that ; That blind Whore does she knows not what." At last his patience was rewarded, and in the general amnesty of 1650 Howell was included and released from the Fleet. Yet even then his case was regarded as so serious that bail was demanded for his good behaviour, and his recognisances were not released from their responsibility till the last year of CromwelFs life, seven years later.^ How, where, and from what he lived during the succeed- ing ten years (1650-60) is by no means clear, either from his own statement or from any contemporary record. Con- * See Bibl. Hist., vol. viii. ^ A reference to the Commons and the State reasons for his incarceration. ' I deduce this from Howell's own statement of his case to Charles II. (Suppt. No. xvii. p. 667). siderins: Introduction. xlv sidering the large amount of printed matter he poured forth during this time, there is some probability in Wood's state- ment, that '^tho' several of them are meer scribbles, yet they brought him in a comfortable subsistence." The last letter of the Fourth Part of the Epistolcs, published in 1655, is dated from Holborn, in which district he died eleven years later, so it is probable that he lived at the house of the lawyer Leigh and afterwards of his widow for the remainder of his life.^ As regards his attitude towards public affairs during all this time there are somewhat conflicting accounts. After the Restoration disappointed Cavaliers like Sir Roger L'Estrange taunted Howell with having " ratted " to the other side during the eclipse of the Cavaliers.^ And, indeed, we do find a curious vacillation in HowelPs attitude towards the chief power in the State during the memorable twenty years 1640-60. He had the courage to dedicate the first collection of his Letters in 1645 ^" Charles L, yet in the Second Book there is a letter (No. Ixiii.) apologising for the lukewarm tone of his Parables, published in 1647. ^^ speaks cynically enough of the martyrdom of Charles I. as curing the country of the " King's evil " (Contents, ed. 1650), yet it is probable that the verses signed J. H. and attached to EiKQ)v ^acrtXiKT] were by Howell.^ He writes of the Preheminence of Parliament, and yet approves of Cromwell's dictatorship, dedicating to him his Sober Inspections as a sort of Charles Martel and a Hercules. His Dedications vary between the Duke of York (vol. ii. of Letters), Charles Prince of Wales {Foreign Travel, Lnstra), The Parliament (^S.P.Q.V.), and Cromwell {Sober Inspections). He peti- ^ C/. end of Doc. xv., and Howell's Will. Earlier in life he had lived in St. Martin's Lane (Docs. ii. and iii.). - U Es\.ra.nge' s Modesi P/ea, 1661, pp. 31 to the end, has some interesting extracts, entitled " Notes upon Mr. /anies Howell, Sec." ^ And not by John Hewitt, the Royalist martyr, executed for conspiring against Cromwell in 1658. So Mr. Lee at end of his article on Howell ia D. N. B. tions^ xlvi Introduction. tions the Council of State for literary employment (Suppt. No. xiii.), and applies to Selden, the storehouse of Re- publican learning, for permission to present him with his works (Ibid. No. xii.).^ Yet it was probably no conversion to Republican views that led him to seek acquaintance with Selden. The industrious Howell was hoping to adapt Sel- den's Mare Clausum to the new circumstances of the war with Holland, and approached the great scholar to get his permission and help. But the great scholar was man of the world as well as student of books, and the result was the issue of an English translation of the Mare Clausum, but not by James Howell.2 There is thus abundant evidence of a certain amount of rapprochement on the part of Howell with the Parliamentary part, yet not so much more than any unprejudiced Eng- lishman of even Royalist sympathies might have made as the need of a settled government became apparent. Howell's fault as a practical politician was not going far enough. He eulogised Cromwell, yet he had the hardihood to suggest that the best solution of the situation just before his death would be to arrange for the succession of Charles H.^ Altogether, it is clear that we have not to deal in Howell's case with any Athanasian rigidity of conviction on the politics of his day. Nor need we apply any lofty ethic norm to adjudge of his vacillations. He belonged to the class, so numerous in our days, only just coming into exist- ence in his, whose function in political matters is to express, excite, and simulate conviction, not necessarily to feel it. If we do not too harshly condemn the journalist who votes Radical and writes Tory, we need not waste our denuncia- ^ One of the books thus given to Selden is in the Bodleian : it is dated 1652, which enables us to date the two documents in the Supplement. 2 He did not lose his interest in the book, however. After the Restoration he made the necessarj' alterations in the Dedication, which was to Parliament in the "fifties," to Charles II. in the "sixties" (Lowndes). ^ That is, if my attribution of An Admonition, by J. H. (B. L. No. 47), be correct. tions Introduction. xlvii tions on James Howell for changing his published opinion on politics according to his personal needs or the changes of public opinion around him. After Cromwell's death Howell turned more definitely towards the direction from which, after all, his views had only occasionally wandered, a moderate Monarchy. He also, probably, reverted to his old trade of Royalist Intelli- gencer or spy. For just on the eve of the Restoration we find him reporting on the condition of things in London to Sir Edward Walker at the English Court in Brussels (Suppt. No. XV.). And after the Restoration we find him greeting Monk as "the temporal Redeemer of this land." ^ Almost as soon as Charles II. had landed there was a rush for the spoils on behalf of all the dispossessed Cavaliers. Those martyrs for the royal cause sought for earthly crowns to console them for their past afflictions. Among the most assiduous applicants was James Howell, now an old man of nearly sixty-six years. Within a year of Charles' return we find him applying to be restored as Clerk of the Council, or to be appointed Secretary to the Royal Commission on Trade, or to be appointed English tutor to the Portuguese Princess whom Charles had chosen for Queen."^ He was successful in none of these applications, probably on account of his age. But he did not desist from applications, and the result proved the wisdom of his persistence. In a further petition, still preserved in the University library at Cambridge,^ he pointed out that ''among the prudentst and best policed nations there is a Minister of State appointed and qualified with the title of Historiographer Generall," the obvious inference being that the author of histories of France, of Naples, and of Venice would be a most appro- priate holder of such an office. At last he got the King and his advisers to share his own views as to his capabilities. He was appointed Historiographer Royal "primus in ^ B. L. No. 56. 2 ggg Suppt. Nos. xvii. to xix. 3 See Suppt. II. No. Anglia," xlviii Introduction. Anglia/' his monument proudly declares with the usual amount of monumental veracity/ and a grant of ;i{^200 was docketed at the Exchequer " as of his ma""' free guift " in Feb. 1661-. For the remaining five years of his life he held the even tenor of his way, producing book after book and being tended in all comfort by Mrs. Leigh and her daughter Edith at his lodgings against the Pye Inn in Fetter Lane, Holborn.^ Only one incident in his career needs a further reference. No sooner was Howell comfortably settled himself than he turned round rather unreasonably on the remaining crowd of esurient and expectant Cavaliers and advised them to wait in his Cordial for the Cavaliers. Sir Roger L'Estrange, not unjustly incensed at this piece of gratuitous impudence brought forth his own Cordial for the Cavaliers, in which he answered Howell with some spirit and force, and on Howell's rejoinder with Some Sober Inspections, returned to the charge with his Modest Plea and pointed out in an Ap- pendix Howell's own failings with regard to political patience and constancy. Howell was undoubtedly in the wrong, and practically admitted it by retiring from the conflict. He lived through the Great Plague and the Great Fire, and died in Nov. 1666, stat. seventy-three, after having executed his will on the 14th Oct. 1666. In this he shows that he was living in comfort, leaving some £6'^ in legacies, not to mention the ''Thirty pounds in a white Bagg" which were to be set aside for a tomb. His will is per- fectly regular and conventional in its disposition of this little property. His brother, his sisters, and some favoured nephews and nieces get legacies, his landlady and her daughter are remembered, and those who were to bury him are also named and considered. ^ According to Thorn's Book of the Court, the first Historiographer Royal was appointed by Henry VII. ; the last was G. P. R. James, of "two horse- men " memory. ^ Suppt. Doc. xx. ' See the address given at the end of Doc. xv. of the Suppt., and compare with the references in the Will No. xxi. The Introduction. xlix The only point in which his will differs from the stereo- typed form is the evident solicitude with which Howell regarded the monument which was to be set up over his remains in the Temple church. Not only did he reserve so large a sum as ^^30 for this, but he " directed Mr. Marshall to sett up a large Black Marble with a Brasse Picture of mine in the Middle, with my Armes and a Latin Epitaph." Henry Howell, his nephew and executor, saw his instruc- tions carried out, and the monument remained over Howell's remains till 1683, when it was removed to the triforium of the church, where it remains to the present day in excellent preservation. It would be a pious work to restore it to the body of the church, " Att the foote of next great Filler this side the little Quier," where Howell directed it to be placed. Meanwhile in this place a counterfeit presentment may serve, both to record his epitaph and to give an appropriate end-piece to this account of Howell's life-history. What 1 Introduction. What kind of man was he whose varied fortunes we have thus followed from cradle to grave? Externally we have unusual opportunities of knowing him. To the French translation of his Dendi'ologia a fine plate was prefixed, executed by Claude Melan and Bosc, and exhibiting Howell in a romantic situation, leaning in meditative fashion against an oak.^ A second state of this plate was added to many of Howell's later works. Besides this, in the engraved title- page of the Letters there is a portrait of Howell (by Mar- shall), in one of the compartments, which confirms the other portrait in all essential particulars. The total impres- sion given is that of strongly marked features, with a nose too prominent - and the bushy eyebrows of a determined character. This somewhat harsh expression is relieved by large, brilliant, yet meditative eyes. But why attempt de- scription when the reader has before him all the materials that are accessible ? In portraiture more than anything, Definitio optima Demonstratio. Let me add, however, that his hair was dark brown,^ his height below the medium,* and the pose of the Melan figure admirably suggests the self-consciousness of the author. Of Howell as a man his Letters give us plenty of oppor- tunity for judging. If as a poet he was of the Tribe of Ben, as a man he was decidedly of the Tribe of Reuben. He never stuck long enough to one master or to one employment to win a firm position in life. He was choleric ^ and impulsive, too ready to offer advice to his ^ The frontispiece of this volume is a reproduction. There is a second state of the plate with shorter collar and Howell's arms inserted in the place where the attendant squire and horse stand in the first state. ^ The French engraver has ingeniously disguised this by turning the fage upwards. ^ We learn this from p. 72. * This I conjecture from Howell's energy, his acquiescence in Bacon's dictum that Nature never put her jewels in garrets, and the evident attempt of the French artist to give an impression of height. ' Cf. the Letters I. v. 18; II. 75. superiors. Introduction. superiors, yet often too independent to obey their commands.^ He has not the courtier's eye to guess the rising star, nor even the servant's, to know a good master when he has one. He almost invariably pays court at the wrong time or to the wrong person. In the day of patrons such a fault was fatal. Unstable as water, he could not excel. Yet, if he was ineffective as a man of action, he was cer- tainly successful in one of the chief branches of worldly wisdom. He could make friends and keep them. Wher- ever he went he seems to have added to the increasing number of those who liked him. We can trace an ever- widening circle from the old Oxford days with the Mansels, Prichard, and Caldwell, then up to Broad Street with the Althams and Savages, until at Madrid he adds the Herberts and Digbys to his list, and the time of seeking friends is almost over. Yet one more episode brings him into a new circle the centre of which is Father Ben. As years go on it is Howell's turn to be sought in friendship, and even in the Fleet young men like the Blois and Brownriggs seek him ; while later Forde and Loveday approach him in their letters as the master of their craft. There must have been something eminently likeable in a nature that could attract so many men of such various types. Both in his qualities and in his defects James Howell is thus characteristically Celtic. The brightness and vivacity, the touches of imaginative sentiment and of mild melancholy, are part of the Celt's attractiveness ; his instability and want of practical discernment share the general ineffectiveness of the Celt. He was himself always conscious of his Welsh de- scent and proud of it. It is perhaps time that Wales, better late than never, should reciprocate that pride. And indeed he is likeable, with all his vanity or garrulous- ness; or, rather, because of them the Cavalier of literary tastes finds one of its best specimens in James Howell. He ^ With both Sir Robert Mansel and Sir Thos. Savage he declines to follow orders. was lii Introduction. was a ne'er-do-well, maybe; but he was also a ne'er-do-ill ; and we are beginning to appreciate more highly those natures who do not well because they are not scheming or sub- servient, the men who preserve some of the ingenuousness of youth till the end. Knights of the Order of the Sun, they bring the light with them. Howell was such a knight ; his bright, frank, joyous nature shines out unmistakably in his Letters, and is equally shown in his friendships. If the Letters are good literature, it is mainly because the nature they reveal is an eminently likeable one. II. II.— HOWELL'S WORKS. " Hoelianas vanits comprehendere chartas Molior, Herctdeos quum tot recitare labor es Herculeus labor alter erit. " — P. Fisher. I HEN the gates of the Fleet closed upon Howell in 1642, his life as a man of action came to an end. Yet the re- maining quarter of a century that he passed upon earth was filled with an amount of work and activity that would have sufficed to fill out a whole lifetime of a less industrious person. Howell the adventurer died in 1643, but Howell the writer practically begins his literary life in that year.^ And before it closes some sixty works, ranging from mere broadsheets to bulky folios, were to leave the press with his name or initials. In an Ap- pendix I have drawn up as complete a Bibliographical list of his productions as I could make/ and this runs to no less than seventy numbers, some of them including several works; others, however, being new editions. It would be obviously impossible to deal at any length or in detail with such a mass of printed matter, nor can I claim to have read it all with reverent attention. Yet no account of Howell or his Letters can be considered complete that did not consider his other works and their general value ^ Only DodoneCs Grove precedes 1642. ^ Anthony i Wood has a very full list ; Watt and Lowndes less extensive. Mr. Lee gives a classified list (mainly from Wood) in the D. N. B. value liv Introduction. and significance. For this purpose all that will be neces- sary is to arrange them into convenient classes, referring to them by the short titles I have prefixed to the Biblio- graphical list, and placing within brackets the numbers in that list which contain in each case full bibliographical details. The Familiar Letters stand apart from the rest, and should be treated apart, above all in an edition of them. The largest space in the list is filled with the Political pamphlets. Indeed, in one way or another, the majority of Howell's works are political. This is only another way of saying that Howell was a journalist of the period. The pamphlet in Stuart England took the place of the "leader" and the magazine article of to-day.^ We have already discussed the variations of political opinion expressed in them.^ Here we are more concerned with their literary merits or demerits, such as they are. In writings intended to impress public opinion at the time, the way in which public opinion was impressed is at least a practical test of their literary effectiveness. Some of them went through several editions. The most notable were collected twice during his lifetime — once during the Commonwealth in 1654, and again after the Restoration in 1653. They have at least the merit of clearness. Howell knew, perhaps, better than any man living in his day, how to put clearly and brightly, in readable English prose, what he had to say. And to this clearness of form there was at times boldness, if not originality, of matter. His Patricius (7), according to Wood, a most diligent reader of the pamphlets of the time, was the first vindication of Charles that appeared after Edgehill. Similarly with his Sober Inspections into the late Long Parliament (44). Sir W. Dugdale declares that he had " taken the boldness to speak more truth barefaced than any man that hath wrote since they sate." Howell ^ The magnificent Thomason collection of Stuart pamphlets in the King's Library at tlie British Museum are a sufficient evidence of this. 2 See supra, p. xlv. comes INTRODUCTION. Iv comes off fairly in a difficult position when dealing with the Preheminence of Parliament (8). One of the ablest of his tracts is his Instruments of a King (23), when arguing soberly enough for the Royalist contention that the King should keep the sword or supreme military command. Again, the boldness of An Inquisition after Blood (31) is matched by the clearness of the style, but is too short and without practical bearing. The two Admonitions (47 and 55) are, again, bold but short. Closely allied to the Political come the Controversial Pamphlets. We have already referred to the spirit with which he met the atrabilious Prynne in his Vindication (8), and L'Estrange in his Sober Inspections into the Cordial (62). It cannot be said that he comes out to much advan- tage in either case. He does not seem at his best in per- sonal controversy. Besides, it is difficult to defend the sport of running with the hare and chasing with the hounds. He appears to better advantage in the Letter to Pembroke (20), in which he very effectively expresses the abhorrence with which the Royalist viewed the tergiversation of Philip Herbert, Earl of Pembroke. Considering Howell's position, it is characteristic of the man that controversy fills so small a space in his literary baggage. Of considerable interest, though not of any great literary value, are Howell's Political Allegories. It was with one of these, Dodona's Grove (i), that he began his literary career. Here, under the disguise of trees, he displays his historical and political knowledge in a somewhat heavy fable, which has the Biblical example of Jotham, but does not contain the same clearness, simplicity, and directness. The genre is, however, of some interest, as it was imitated by Harrington in his Oceana, and it is even possible that Gulliver's Travels may own in the Vocal Forest a remote progenitor.^ Howell's allegory was translated into French, and had some success in that language. In England the ^ Swift probably knew the Letters. See note on p. 359. Dodona's Ivi Introduction. Dodona^s Grove was by far the most taking of Howell's productions with the public of the time. The first part ran through some five editions, the author kindly supplying a key to his allusions in the third. He was also encouraged to bring forth a second part, not so successful, though it was translated into French, and followed it up with a Therologia (58), with which this somewhat mechanical play of fancy came to an end. A. whole set of Parables (6) was somewhat of the same type, while A Winter Dreame (28), A Trance (29), and the Nocturnal Progress (15) combined with the allegory the common form of a fictitious dream. The weariness produced by the whole method is inde- scribable. "Why can't you say your say straight out, man ? " one feels tempted to say at each turn. But per- haps with contemporaries that was not so easy as it looks, and they would have the pleasure of catching the allusions without much racking of the brains. Another production of Howell's that falls into no very definite category, yet was too successful to be overlooked in even the shortest survey of his writings, was his England's Tears (9), a plea for peace, which was translated into Latin and Dutch. Some of Howell's tracts, though dealing with matters of interest to the politicians of the day, were more Historical than political. Thus his Mercurius Hihernicus (12) is more expository than polemical on the Land of Ire, as he calls Ireland. His Bella Scot-Anglica (25), again, is simply an enumeration of the conflicts between England and Scotland. The Royal Matches (63) was merely a catchpenny foisted together in readiness for the marriage of Charles H. His short, witty, but malicious description of the People of Scot- land was neither political nor historical, yet was probably intended to serve both ends. It became historical by being reprinted by Wilkes in No. 13 of the North Briton during the outcry against Bute.^ ^ Its last fate was, strange to say, to be praised, or at least only faintly damned, in the last volume of the Scots Observer, a paper written by Scots to Scots, for Scots — O Scots ! Howell Introduction. Ivii Howell executed a whole series of Historical Descrip- tions of the countries of Europe, which would be invaluable if they had been accurate or trustworthy. But they are mostly patchwork of a gossipy kind. They deal with Venice in the S.P.Q.F. (38), Naples in the Parthenopceia (48), Hungary in the Floras Hungaricus (67), and the Empire in the Discourse {^'^. France was only dealt with his- torically in Lustra Ludovici (16), a somewhat elaborate his- tory of Louis Xni.'s reign, arranged absurdly in seven "lustres," but showing some research and care. The whole series was summed up in a book of somewhat higher value, entitled The German Diet (43). This takes each of the great States of Europe, and gives a trial of its merits in the shape of imaginary speeches in favour of and against each country in turn. The characterisations show some knowledge and skill of delineation, and the whole gives a fair estimate of the chief nations of Europe in the middle of the seven- teenth century.^ Still higher rank is taken by Howell, Precedeyicy of the Kings of England (68) over those of France and Germany. This contains among other things a list of the royal forests (pp. 73—3), and a very full account of all the officers of King James' court, with their respective salaries. Here for once Howell condescends to give the names — not to quote his authorities — a list of whom, very miscellaneous in character, is appended to the book. He excuses himself from quoting exactly, as only schoolmen are so " punctual " ; " but, under favour, free Historians are not tied to such a strictness": one would like to hear Prof. Gardiner on such views. Attached to the Precedency is a collection of gossipy anec- dotes about ambassadors, many of which appear also in the EpistolcB Ho-Eliance. Most of Howell's Translations were of historical pieces, and fall to be treated here. The account of Christina qf^ ^ I have the impression that the whole is a translation or adaptation, but I have failed to find an original. Moryson's Itinerary, 1617, Bk. III., must have given the hint. Sweden Iviii Introduction. Sweden (51) was from the French, that of the rebellion of Massaniello (37, 42), from the Italian, which he seems to have got in MS. from his friend Mr. Samuel Bonnel, in Jewry St. (see note on p. 638). St. Paul's Progress (13), from the Italian, was more in line with his political alle- gories; and so was the Venice Looki?!g- Glass (2^), also from the same language. Both these are referred to in the Letters (see Index), and the introductory letters to the former are included among them. The translations of the King's Declaration (27) into Latin and French, as well as the version from the Spanish of the Process (26) of A. Ascham, the English Resident at Madrid, who had been murdered, were both bits of hack-work, unworthy of serious mention. The skill in languages shown in these translations pro- duced other and more important fruit in Howell's Philo- logical works. He was certainly gifted with practical skill in tongues. He boasts that he can pray to his Maker in a different language in each day of the week (Welsh, English, Latin, Greek, French, Italian, Spanish, are pro- bably the list). He produced a French Gramviar (70), which gave a useful list of idioms or Gallicisms. The Ejig- lish Grammar (64) which he produced for the Portuguese Infanta has a Spanish grammar as well. There is nothing particularly striking in any, so far as I could observe. Servile imitation of the current Latin grammars, with a few rules of thumb thrown in, form the staple. Howell's chief work in this direction was his Lexicon Tetra- glotton, or English-French-Italian-Spanish Dictionary, a work of considerable value for obsolete words in all four languages. Attached to the Lexicon Tetraglotton was a series of col- lections of proverbs in each of the above languages that give the book considerable value. At the end of these he gives a list of Welsh proverbs, the earliest, and till quite recently the only one in that language. And as a final supplement he had the temerity to add 500 savings of his own, " which in tract of Time may serve as Proverbs for Posteritv." Introduction. lix Posterity." Some of these have caught the true proverbial ring, as, e.g. : — He may knock loudly who leareth good news. A rich fool is good for nothing hut to borrow money of. The worst people have most laws. Rather than hum try a foil from the window. 'Tis forther from London to Highgate than from Highgate to London.^ But they serve merely as a flagrant example of the folk-lore principle that no individual can consciously spread among the folk a new word, a new proverb, or a new custom. We may conclude this review of Howell's philological productions by the bare mention that he edited Cotgrave's French-English Dictionary (34), his edition of which is recognised to be the best. He pre- faced it by a history of the French language, taken chiefly from Pasquiere's Reserches, and reprinted in the Letters (iv. 19, p. 587 5^7.). This was not the only occasion on which Howell touched up the work of others. His Josippon (40), or later history of the Jews, is merely a redressing of Moroyng's adaptation of Gagnier's Latin translation of the Late Hebrew abridge- ment of Josephus, though Howell makes no reference to his predecessor. His introductory essay has some historic in- terest, and is represented in the Letters by two essays on the contemporary Jews (I. vi. 14; H. 8). Similarly his Londinopolis {^^) is merely an adaptation of Stow. It remains only to add that Howell edited the posthumous remains of Sir R. Cotton (39),^ and of Sir John Finett, Elizabeth's Master of the Ceremonies (50) ; and there is only left one more of Howell's prose works to be dealt with. His Instructions for Foreign Travel (4) comes next to the Letters in value, both in point of style and of matter. Here Howell's large experience stood him in good stead, and in the first edition (which did not deal with the Levant) he was mainly giving advice which his own travels had ^ Imitated from II y a plus de Monmarlre a Paris que de Paris a Monmartre, which Howell must have come across in Moryson's Itinerary, iii. 53. " Forster points out that he includes by mistake a speech of Sir John Elliot's. Eliot, vol. i. p, 284. taught Ix Introduction. taught himself.^ The book may still be read with interest, and has been reprinted by Professor Arber. The bulk of it occurs in one way or another in the Letters. Of Howell's Poetry it is almost sufficient to say that it. proves he was no poet. His lines are at best those of a practised versifier. There is something of the conceits of Donne's school, with an aping of the more varied versifi- cation of Waller's. He was of the band who surrounded Ben Jonson at the Devil's Inn, but except for the personal contact, he has but little claim to be enrolled in the Tribe of Etw. The prefatory epistle on letter-writing is, perhaps, more noteworthy for the subject-matter than the poetry, yet they are his best-sustained lines. England's Alarm (54) and Joy [^6) are merely catchpenny broadsheets. His Poems {66) contain the Vote (3), Ah ! ha ! (45), a curious association of elegy and epithalamium, all the verses con- tained in the Letters, as well as the commendatory poems sent by Howell, according to the custom of the time, ta preface his friends' productions. It professes to be collected and edited by Payne Fisher, who had been laureate to Crom- well. Yet I suspect that Howell himself had the main hand in bringing the poems together, and even wrote or touched up the compliments on himself which were prefixed to the volume. There are points in the Latin verses which could not well have come from any but Howell himself, and the phrase " Ignorance beyond Barbarisme," which Fisher is supposed to employ to designate those unacquainted with Howell, had been used by Howell himself in a letter to Selden (see p. 660). The possessor of the Letters has got the main contents of the Poems contained in them, and is fully in a position to judge of their want of merit. Howell, it may be here mentioned, was one of the earliest who became conscious of the divorce between English sounds and English spelling, and ventured to become an innovator in Orthography. At the end of Book II. of the Letters ^ He used Moryson's Itinerary for it. he Introduction. Ixi he explains his principal alterations : very sensible ones they are, and have been mostly adopted — Physic for Physique, star for starre, pity for pitie. He went so far in his war against the mute final e that he proposed to read don (for done), som, com. But here the printers would not go with him, and a strange variety occurs in the early editions of his books. In his MS. he always writes "wilbe," "shalbe," as one word, regarding them as parts of the verb " to be." It was natural that the deficiencies of English spelling should appeal to one who approached English as a foreign tongue. Voluminous as are the writings that have thus been briefly characterised, none of them, except perhaps the Foreign Travell, deserved a longer life than they enjoyed. Written in almost every case for the day, their work was- over with their day. Neither the arguments of the political pamphlets nor the influences of their writer stand out con- spicuously amid the crowd of pamphlets and pamphleteers that distinguish the age. The allegories are frigid and mechanical ; the histories are nothing less than historical ; the philology of the philological works is sadly to seek ; the poetry is but verse. Yet with all this there is one quality which gives these pamphlets and allegories and histories a certain amount of vitality even now, and certainly give a marked place in English literature for their author. In the development of English style the decisive and critical moment is the introduction of the easy short sentence.^ Everything written after that sounds familiar and native to modern Englishmen ; everything written before that, in prose, sounds archaic and extraneous. Now it is usual to trace the introduction of the natural sentence (as distin- guished from the period after the model of Latin prose) to Dryden, or at earliest to Cowley. Yet if we open Howell anywhere we come across sentences as short and as natural as any in Dryden, or even in Addison. Opening the Twelve Treatises at random, one is struck with sentences like this ^ Bacon, in the Essays, is oftea short enough. But it is a lapidarian brevity. at Ixii Introduction. at the beginning of Mercurhis Hibernicus (i2, 60^), "There is a inongrell race of Mercuries lately sprung np, but I claim no acquaintance with them^ much less any kindred." Or take the beginning of Preheminence of Parliament, " I am a free- born subject of the Realm of England ; whereby I claim as my native Inheritance an undoubted right, propriety and portion in the Laws of the Land." There is a ring and rhythm in that which is eminently modern. Replace the "whereby," by a " therefore," and the sentence might have been written anytime during the past or the present century. They may seem quite commonplace to us now, but the hitting upon the exact lilt and run of them was no slight thing. And such sentences are so frequent in Howell as to be charac- teristic of his style. True, he indulges at times in the more periodic or euphuistic sentence.^ Yet the point is the first frequent appearance of the more natural sentence, and that, so far as I know, is to be found in Howell, even in his most hack-work performances. It is not too much to say that in the development of English prose true ease in writing ■comes from Howell, not Drvden.^ ^ Howell's English is also strikingly , correct for his epoch; it almost always construes. Contrast the slipshod style of Evelyn in the passage in the Testimonia, supra, p. xv. - This does not preclude the probability that it was Dryden who made the -easy style more popular. Til. III.— THE "FAMILIAR LETTERS/' AND THEIR AUTHENTICITY. *' Culthis lllud opus quo splendit Efistola crebra Flexanimo concinna stylo." — P. Fisher. I^OTWITHSTANDING their qualities of style, Hov/ell's other works might well be forgotten but for his Letters. These have the style of the other works at its best, and in a sphere of literary art where the natural sentence is most appropriate, in- deed indispensable. Apart from this, the Letters contain specimens of all his various kinds of literary production. The " Survey of the Low Countries" (I. i, 15, pp. 115-29) recalls his historical studies.^ The verse scattered through the book constitutes the major part of his volume of Poems (44 out of 97), His philological treatises may be paralleled by his survey of the languages of the world (II. 55~6o, pp. 459-78). The foreign part of his experience in the first section of the first book are a running parallel to the Foreign Travell. If there is little to correspond to the political and polemical pamphlets, we are requited by others of a religious or philosophical vein, not too religious or too philosophical to be well written and interesting. Only the allegories are missing, and they never need be missed. Not only have we example of Howell's various works, we ^ Supra, p. Ivi. even Ixiv Introduction. even have portions incorporated in the Letters. Thus the dedicatory Epistles to his translation of St. Paul's Progress appear in the letters to Sir P. Pindar and Sir P. Neale (pp. 543, 544). The Preface to his edition of Cotgrave be- comes Letter IV. 19 (pp. 557-79) ; "The Vote" was calmly- annexed to the EpistolcE, and, as before mentioned, nearly half of the Poems appeared first in the Epistola?, which contains, appropriately enough, his best piece of verse on " Familiar Letters." The two letters on the Jews (I. vi. 14 ; II. 8) represent all that was original in his edition of Josippon (B. L. No. 40). Altogether it is scarcely necessary to go beyond the Letters to know Howell in all his aspects as an English writer. But besides giving the quintessence of Howell's activity as an author, the Letters display the qualities of his style at the highest pitch. Lucidity and vivacity are good things to have in almost any kind of literary production ; for familiar letters they are the first essential. Certainly no other Letters of the seventeenth century displav these qualities to such an extent as the Epistolcs Ho-Eliams. Indeed it is not till we reach what may be called the EpistolcB EliancB of Charles Lamb that we find Howell surpassed in ease and brightness. Horace Walpole, indeed,, puts in a fair claim to take the second place in the tri- umvirate of the brightest letter-writers in English. Yet Horace always seems to write with ruffles on his wrists, and the vast bulk of his nine volumes must always stand in the way of his general popularity. Howell's style has the additional charm of flexibility. He can alternate grave and gav, argument and "chaff," expostulation and narrative, consolatory or merely occa- sional. He himself, following the example of the standard Letter-writer of his early years, Angel Day's English Secre- tary, which ran through eight editions between 1586 and 1635,^ classifies Letters as " Narratory, Objurgatory, Con- 1 I have given the Table of Contents of Day's Model Letter-Writer in the Introduction to my edition of his translation of Daphnis and Cliloc, p, xxviii. solatory,. Introduction. Ixv solatory, Monitory, or Congratulatory" (I. i. i, p. t8), and he can adapt his style to each and all of these various classes. Nothing can be more vivid than his description of Bucking- ham's assassination (I. v, j, pp. 252-4), or of the announce- ment of Charles I.'s accession (I. iv. 7, p. 217), or of Charles' surreptitious interview with the Infanta (I. iii. 18, p. 169). Yet he is equally at home with a vastly different kind of epistle, the reflective or philosophical, such as that on the Unity of Nature (II. 50, p. 443), or on a Lunary World (III. 9, p. 528), or on Studies (I. v. 9, p. 256). One cannot help thinking that we have here the model of similar essays or papers in the Taller and Spectator: but of this more anon. Howell is, however, at his best in the light, sportive vein, as when he recommends a cook to Lady Cornwallis {I. V. 36, p. 286), or a footman to Sir J. S. (I. v. 13, p. 264) : good examples of this vein are the three letters on p. 216. Still, he can be dignified in rebuke, as to R. S. (I. iv. 16, p. 230), and pathetic in consolation, as to Dan Caldwell's widow, or on the death of a true friend, Dr. Prichard (II. 44, p. 438). His letter on his father's death (I. vi. 7) is manly and full of feeling. He can tell an anecdote with point, and his pages are crowded with examples of such pithy narratives.^ And yet he can command his reader's interest for longer narra- tion or exposition, as is shown by his letters on the Inquisi- tion (I. V. 42, p. 290), or the series of disquisitions on the creeds and tongues of the world. A style that can adapt itself to such varied requirements must be as flexible as a Toledo blade, and among English writers is unique in the seventeenth century. This wide range of interest may give a somewhat exagger- ated notion of the extent of Howell's specialist knowledge. But most of his learning was second-hand. His account of the various religions and languages of the world was taken from Brerewood, his knowledge of the East from Sandys, his essay on French from Pasquiere, his Welsh lore from ^ See Index s. v. Anecdotes. Herbert Ixvi Introduction. Herbert and Rice, his discourse on the moon from Wilkins, his characterisation of the Sybils from Sandys. Browne and Bacon give him hints in the more reflective passages. Even when he professes to tell a story from hearsay he is not unfrequently quoting from book, as in the case of De Coucy (p. 322, see note). His whole plan was probably in- fluenced by Angel Day's Letter Writer and Fynes Moryson's Itinerary. Altogether Howell has not any oppressive amount of original learning about him, and for that reason repre- sents better the ordinary cultivated intelligence of his time. His contemporaries felt the attraction as much as, per- haps more than, we can who come to it already influenced to it indirectly through Dryden and Addison. It is onlv by the painful process of taking large doses of contemporary pamphlets and treatises that we can appreciate what a con- trast and relief Howell's style must have been to his con- temporaries. No wonder that they welcomed three further instalments of the EpistolcB during their author's lifetime, and called for two further issues of the whole during the same period. And the interest survived his death. For a century afterwards not a decade passed without a fresh edition of Howell's Letters being called for. Except Bacon's Essays, Browne's Religio Medici, and Burton's Anatomy, I can scarcely recall any seventeenth century work of pure literature in prose that showed such continued popularitv. As was natural, such success had its imitators, and Howell bade fair to found a school of Epistolisers. During his lifetime two young writers,^ Thomas Forde and Loveday, produced volumes of Familiar Letters which contained in a disguised form letters addressed to Howell himself.^ After his death the Duchess of Newcastle produced a volume of Familiar Letters which were probably inspired by the desire to be in fashion with a current literary vogue. Nor was it probably without reference to the success of the Epistolce ^ I owe my knowledge of tliese imitators of Howell to Mr. Firth. ^ Specimens are reprinted in Suppt. II. Hu-Elianc^ Introduction. 1 xvii Ho-Eliance that Donne's letters were collected by his son and published in 165 1. While these serve to show the influence of Howell's Letters, they also act as an excellent foil to them. Nothing more lifeless can be conceived than these performances, which smell of the oil used during their composition. It is difficult to ascertain what influence Howell's style and method had upon the writers who succeeded him. Defoe knew him (Wilson, Life, iii. 484), as was natural in one whose own career was so much like his. It is probably to his influence on Defoe that we can trace the striking re- semblance to Howell's style shown in the Essayists. Every one must be struck with the Tatler tone of the Letters. Often we seem to be reading a number of the Spectator. Take, for example, the essay — it is scarce a letter — on the Unity of the Universe (II. 1., p. 443 seq.). The beginning, " I was upon point of going abroad to start a solitary walk," is exactly in the Essayists' style, while the reflections that succeed might be thought to ape their tone. One of the Spectators, indeed (No. 237), is directly taken from Howell (pp. 559-562), and formed in turn the source of Parnell's poem of The Hermit and the Angel. Altogether, if one knew nothing of Howell's age one would guess him to be an eighteenth century writer, formed on the model of Steele and Addison. The inference is obvious that they must have come to a certain extent under his. Editions of the Letters appeared in 1705, 1713, 1726, and 1737, which shows how they chimed in with the taste of the time. It is probable, indeed, that the very resemblance to the Essayists accounts for the decline in popularity of the Letters towards the end of the century.^ The Essays had ousted the Letters. Not, indeed, that they ever escaped altogether from the sight of book-lovers. The catena of praises I have prefixed to this edition show a continuity of affectionate memory that is 1 So far as I know, neither Walpole nor Johnson ever refer to them. Gold- smith would have enjoyed them, one likes to think. rare Ixviii Introduction. rare indeed in the case of a book of such a miscellaneous character. Few books of the seventeenth century can claim to have been read and liked by such men as Defoe, Swift, Addison, Scott, Browning, Thackeray, and Kingsley. There is only one thing that could have kept such a book alive through such vicissitudes of taste. It is style, and style alone, that can grant eternal or even prolonged life to a book. Mr. Saintsbury does not think so. Amid the chorus of praise that the book has received, his is the sole dissentient voice. That Mr. Saintsbury does not express any en- thusiasm about Howell (or any one else) is not to be wondered at; one who has to "do" so many books can- not afford to take any vivid interest in any particular one. Indeed Mr. Saintsbury has arrived at such a stage that, to use a convenient Hibernicism, he seems never to have read a book for the first time. But what strikes one in a critic with a reputation is, that he should commit himself to the statement that with Howell (as with Walton !) " the attrac- tion of matter completely outdoes the purely literary attrac- tion." It seemSj then, that we are to read Walton for information about flies and bait, and Howell for an account of Ben Jonson in his cups or Buckingham's assassination. There is such a complete failure of critical vision in such a statement that one can only wonder and pass on.^ Thackeray was no critic. Yet he recognised the charm of the Letters, and penetrated to the secret of that charm. Mr. Saintsbury complains of the coxcombry of Howell : Thackeray rightly sees in his priggishness the source of his attraction. It is a curious law of literary production that any foible of a writer unconsciously revealed adds a charm to his writing. What would Pepys be without his vanity and his amorousness? Boswell's egotism is the crown of his work. And so with Howell, it is the perpetual revela- ^ Mr. Saintsbury, I may add, seems entirely ignorant of the doubtful authenticity of the matter of Howell's olla podrida. tion Introduction. Ixix tion of his self-satisfaction in all that he does and says that gives the final touch to his style and makes his remarks individual and artistic. Howell has nothing to fear from the self-revelation in the Letters. If he is vain, that is, after all, the most amusing of sins in life and letters. His vivacity, his wide interests, his friendly feeling to those who befriended him, his " tiffs " and his impertinences to men in high place, his rare tolera- tion and wide sympathies, his genuine reverence and some- what lukewarm patriotism — to England, that is; he is ever loyal to Wales — are all displayed without reserve in the Letters. References in them, too, show that he was not altogether free from the frailties which are usually associated with the name of Cavalier. The freedom of contemporary talk crops up at times in the Letters, but not frequently enough to indicate any morbid taste in this direction. Not more than half a dozen passages offend against even the most squeamish taste. Howell liked his cup, too, but he was no Roger Wildrake, and he is altogether a favourable specimen of the Cavalier. When a nature like his tells frankly his experiences and development, the result cannot well fail to be charming. The Letters contain a " Legend of the Author's Life," as the table of the first edition puts it : whether legendary or not will later concern us. But the Letters to Howell's father and brother contain a tolerably full autobiography of our hero, so that we have the charm of that species of com- position added to the more varied attractions of the less personal letters. Not only does Howell describe himself in his own pages: he paints his age. He bids us be present at many an ex- citing or interesting event of his time. He depicts at least the feelings which all the great movements of his time pro- duced in an exceptionally competent observer. We hear of Somerset's fall and Villiers' rise; of Raleigh's return and Bacon's disgrace; of the various fortunes of the French King's favourites; of Olivares, Lerma, and Ossuna; of Charles' / Ixx Introduction. Charles' journey to Madrid, and of his welcome to Henrietta Maria. We see Buckingham fall beneath Fenton's knife, or are present as Charles I. was declared King before 'Change in the dismal drizzling rain. Ben Jonson rolls before us in his easy-chair at the Devil's Inn. Howell himself hobnobs with his chums at the Ship, behind the Exchange. Nor is it without a grim interest to find Milton regarded as a "triobolary Pasquiller," a "sterquilinous rascal" (p. 442), or a " poor shallow-brained puppy " (p. 569) ; or catch a glimpse of the way in which the Religio Medici was first received (p. 373). All this is history as Thackeray would have it, the pano- rama that passes before men's eyes, excites their curiosity, and rouses their enthusiasm. The professed historian desires to go behind the canvas and trace the motives at work, the hidden springs of national action. For the latter Howell has little instruction to bring. He is in a position to know much more than Howell of the secrets of Cabinets or the true motives of rulers. In fact, thanks to the methods of Ranke and the free access given now-a-days to national archives, the modern historian is often in a position to know more about the real causes of events than even those most deeply concerned in them at the time, Mr. Gardiner, for example, knows more about the Spanish Match than even Olivares or King James, because he can read the most secret and deli- berate plans of both at Simancas and Fetter Lane. Howell can have little instruction to offer to him. While Howell thinks the Infanta in love with Charles, the modern his- torian knows that she hates the heretic. Howell sees only the curtain of history ; the historian has the privilege of going behind the scenes. Yet, from a certain point of view, the curtain is the picture in history as in life. What appears on the curtain is that which moves men in the present, and is certainly that which leaves the most vivid impression on men in their thoughts of the past. And for the history of men's thoughts, habits, and customs this external diorama is all that we have to deal Introduction Ixxi deal with, and it is often more interesting than the relations of Governments with which history proper deals. Now, Howell is the first who gives us anything like a vivid ac- count of English Culturgeschickte, and is therefore to be welcomed by the historian as artist, if not by the his- torian as scientific student of causes. One can imagine the use Macaulay would have made of him. One cannot help thinking that even Professor Gardiner might have enlivened some of his all too leaden pages by a few purple patches from Howell. But Professor Gardiner will reply, indeed he has already replied in the preface to his fourth volume, that Howell's letters are not authentic, and cannot, therefore, be used by a historian, whose first concern is with the authen- ticity of his sources. This leads at once to the final and perplexing question of the Authenticity of Howell's letters. On the face of them they seem authentic enough. They bear dates at the foot of each ; they are addressed to well-known names, mainly of the Cavalier circles that Howell would just be likely to know. They are full, detailed, and explicit about events which would be of common know- ledge to the public whom they addressed. Above all, they were published during the lifetime of the author, and of many of the men whose actions are mentioned or criticised in the Letters. But a closer scrutiny causes doubts to attach to many, if not most, of these assurances of authenticity. While some of the letters are addressed to definite and well-known names, others, and those the more intimate and detailed, have only initials at their head. Many of the letters, espe- cially in the later books, are rather essays than letters — essays on the Sibyls (IV. 43), on the Inquisition (I. v. 42), on Roman Catholicism (IV. 36), on Witches (HI. 23). The letters, again, must be copies. How is it that, amid all the masses of correspondence of this period that has been un- earthed during the past two centuries, not a single letter of Howell's identical with the supposed transcript in the pub- lished Ixxii Introduction. lished Letters has ever come to light? Above all, the dates that seem so methodical are of the wildest description when -examined with a little scrutiny. The pendulum turns again, however, on examining more closely some of these objections. It is true that the a large number of the letters have only the initials of the addressees. But this circumstance, which looks at first so suspicious, be- comes rather a matter of confirmation when we find that we can identify almost every one of the 67 initials. With the exception of some half a dozen, I have been able to identify all the supposed recipients of Howell's letters, and to his contemporaries even the unknown ones would probably have presented no difficulty. In several cases one can guess a reason for the initials. Thus, when it is suggested that J. T. is drinking himself to death (p. 375), one can easily understand that Howell would wish to spare his whilom friend, John Toldervy, who had become a Quaker, a reminder of his wild ways in his youth. Only in one case is there reason to suspect the initials to be a cover for fiction. The Doctor B. to whom are addressed the four letters on the religions of the world (II. 8-1 1) was probably an ancestor of Mrs. Harris.! As regards the non-existence of originals of these numerous letters, it must be remembered that the Royalists were par- ticularly careful to destroy their papers as likely to lead to confiscation or heavy fines. Howell's, as those of a Royalist spy detained in the Fleet, would be especially likely to suffer. And, as a matter of fact, some of Howell's letters written in Madrid in 1633 were actually in the late Earl of Westmoreland's collection {Hist. MSS. Com., X. iv. ^^) ^ till a few years ago, when they were sold at Messrs. Sotheby, ^ Mr. Firth suggests that Howell was trying to leave the impression that the letters, really taken from Brerewood, were sent to instruct Dr. (not yet Sir) Thomas Browne. ^ I owe this piece of information to Mr. J. C. Doble of the Clarendon Press. Wilkinson, Introduction. Ixxiii Wilkinson, &: Co.'s (in July 1887).^ Besides, many, in fact most, of the letters were addressed to persons still living at the time of the first edition, and these would have had the right to protest against the use of their names unless it had been justified. Among these may be mentioned Bishop Duppa, Dr. Prichard, Principal Mansel, the Earl of Bristol, Sir F. Cottington, Sir K. Digby, Sir J. Croft, Sir P. Wych, Sir P. Warwick, Sir E. Savage, and Sir A. Hopton. If the letters addressed to these gentlemen in the EpistolcB Ho- EliancB had been fictitious, we should have had a protest from one of them, or the rumour would have reached Anthony a Wood, and have been immortalised by his malicious pen. As regards the existence of essays among the letters, that mainly applies to the books published later, when they might easily have been thrown in as a makeweight, and are thus indirectly a proof that Howell did not make up letters as required. But there remains that matter of the dates, which cannot so easily be got over. One needs to go through a consider- able number of examples before one can get an adequate idea of their untrustworthiness. Thus the second letter dated 1619 deals with events of 1616, Somerset's fall. Letter I. iii. 4 deals with the return of Dr. Balcanquell from the Synod of Dort, which finished 29th May 161 9, under the date i5th April 1622 — which is absurd, as the geometricians observe. Letter \. ii. 22 describes the Duke of Luynes as having been recently made Constable of France, which happened 2nd April 1621, under the date J5th Dec. J 622, over eighteen months later. The letter containing Howell's tribute to the memory of Jonson (I. vi. 31), who died 6th August 1637, is dated ist May i-6'^6. And so it goes on 1 Notwithstanding every assistance afforded me by Messrs. Sotheby I have been unable to trace the letters. It is just possible, however, that they may be merely copies from the printed copies. Two of this kind occur in the British Museum (Add. MS. 5947). thiroughout Ixxiv Introduction. throughout the chapter.^ The most obvious dates are for- gotten : Howell does not know when Queen Anne (of Denmark) died (I. ii. 7). The letter on Buckingham's death (I. v. 7) is dated three weeks before the event. Nay, he puts his own imprisonment in the Fleet a year later than it actually was, in the letter describing his arrest (I. vi. 47). Indeed a careful scrutiny of the succession of dates in the letters reveals that Howell accounts twice over (in Parts II. and III.) for the year 1622, and sails so near the wind that in Part HI. (I. iii. 6) we find him in London on Sept. 8, 1622 ; whereas, according to the preceding part (I. ii. 20), he was at Poissy on the preceding day, Sept. 7, 1622. After such glaring blunders it seems useless to trust a single date of Howell's or to regard his letters as authentic. Damning as these discrepancies appear, there is a simple explanation which removes the difficulty of accepting the letters as authentic, even though the dates be grossly in- accurate. For — important fact, which no one has hitherto noticed or reckoned at its just value ^ — the dates were not added till the second edition in 1650. There are no dates at all in the first issue of 1645.^ Howell must have added them from memory and at haphazard in the reissue of 1650. We have, therefore, simply to regard the Howell of 1650 as an editor of the Howell of 1645, ^"'^ ^^' ^^^^ ^^^ gross inaccuracy of dates implies is what a bad editor of himself Howell could be. He could not have read the letters he was dating, and even when dates were mentioned in the body of a letter, he had no scruple in adding an utterly incongruous one at the end. Thus, to give only one example. ^ I may mention that I confine my attention here mainly to Book I. of the Letters. If that is proved unauthentic, the rest follow ; and the contrary con- clusion follows in the opposite case. ^ I pointed out its significance in a lecture on Howell, reported in Acaiieiny, 25th Jan. 1890. •* Except in one case (I. vi.), where the date happened to form part of the superscription. Howell actually added a different date at the end of the letter. Letter Introduction. Ixxv Letter I. V. ii has the ist March mentioned in the body of the letter, which is dated at the end ist August {cf. also I. iii. 13, 13). He bhindered over his own imprisonment; he did not know when Queen Anne died ; he did not even take the trouble to refer to his own Lustra Ludovici, which has often enabled me to check and correct his dates. Every one has hitherto taken this carelessness about dates as proof of the want of authenticity of the letters. Ever since malicious old Anthony suggested that " many of the said Letters were never written before the Author of them was in the Fleet . . . only feigned (no time being kept with their dates)/' this latter fact has been held to be decisive proof. Yet, as a matter of fact, the contention is rather the other way. A forger would have taken some reason- able care to get something like appropriate dates. Howell's carelessness shows, so far as it goes, a certain amount of confidence in the genuineness of the letters, which did not need the external marks of authentic dating. Yet not all doubts are solved by this simple explanation of the discrepancies in date. Even if no dates existed at the bottom of the letters, as in the first edition — and this is a suspicious circumstance in itself — there are several phenomena in the letters that tend to raise suspicion. Espe- cially is this the case with letters that refer, as if contem- poraneously, to events that occurred with a considerable lapse of time between them. Thus, Professor Gardiner has shown that Letter \. ii. 12 relates to events which occurred respectively in 1619, in 1620, and in 1622. Letter L iv. 10, as my Notes show, contains a wretched jumble of events that occurred at the beginning and at the end of 1625 and in 1629 ! Two other letters of the same Part (L iv. 20, 23) confuse Charles' first and second Parliaments, and combine events of 1625 and 1626 in the same letter. Again, the letter \. vi. 46 contains references to events which occurred in 1637 and 1641, as if they were contemporaneous. A still more glaring instance is afforded by the letter \. iv. 3, professing to give an account of Mansfield's reception in London Ixxvi Introduction. London in April 1624, when, on any chronological scheme, Howell was still in Madrid, and could not have tried to give any correspondent an account of what was going on in London. Again, in the eighth letter of the same Part (L iv. 8) Howell quotes verbatim from Bacon's well-known letter to the King, and so far this seems only a confirmation of his being "up to date." But though the letter became vvell known later, yet, according to Spedding, the letter was never delivered, and so could not have become known to Howell till much later than the date at which he professes to write it. This, too, casts suspicion on another quotation of Howell's from a letter of James I. (L iii. 12), which would otherwise be a striking confirmation of Howell's accuracy, since the letter was not published (in Cabala) till after the appearance of the Epistolce Ho-Eliancs. The letter relating to Raleigh's return (L i. 3) could not have been written when Howell was in London or England, on any chrono- logical scheme of his travels. We know indeed that it was merely taken from the King's own Declaration : Howell lets this out in a subsequent and authentic letter defending the statements of the former (see notes on p. 279). And, finally, with regard to the chief date inside a letter which we can check, and refers to the embassy to Denmark, with which Howell was so intimately connected (L v. 41). In this Howell states that the Earl's pay began from 25th July, yet we know from the Latin account of the embassy which I have unearthed from the Bodleian that it really began on 8th December of the preceding year. If we cannot trust Howell on events with which he was himself intimately connected, when can we trust him ? After such internal evidence of the doubtful authenticity of many of the letters, no stress need be laid on the in- accuracy of the dates attached to them, which may be neglected as a piece of bad editing. Scarcely more im- portance need be attached to various other arguments that have been adduced. Thus, Mr. Lee, following Mr. Firth, points out signs of imitation of the Religio Medici in some of Introduction. Ixxvii of the later letters. This might well have happened natu- rally, even if the letter had been actually composed and despatched to a friend of Howell's. The well-known un- authorised edition of the Religio appeared in 1642, three years before the first edition of the First Book of the Letters. Similarly, it is urged that the really authentic letters of Howell published in the Strafford Letters differ in tone and style from the EpistolcB {'^ N. and Q., ix. 449). Yet such of the letters as are news-letters, like the Strafford ones, are exactly of the same kind (cf. I. vi. 12, 25, with Suppt. Nos. v., vii.). Mr. Frith, again, doubts whether Howell would have had the impertinence to address Buckingham in such terms as those in the letter to him (I. iv. 18). But his brother's letter (Suppt. No. vi.) is sufficient to show that Howell was just the man to rush in where wise courtiers fear to tread. And yet, with all this seemingly crushing evidence of the inauthenticity of Howell's Epistolce, I am not prepared to admit that they were all written in the Fleet, and were never addressed to the persons whose names they bear. They give that indefinite sense of reality which arises when an inquirer is dealing with a long series of statements like those of Howell, a general sense of correspondence with facts. One becomes confident that confirmatory evidence of Howell's statements will be found, and one's confidence is rarely misplaced. Considering the large amount of material in the Letters, the errors are comjiaratively few in number, though when he does go wrong, Howell makes no compliments but lies like a trooper. Thus while there are so many discrepancies, there are equally remarkable agreements with the actual events of the time. Now, the majority of the letters deal with the decade 161 7- 1627, from twenty-eight to eighteen years before the ap- pearance of the Letters. It is scarcely likely, nay, almost impossible, that Howell twenty years after the event should remember that Charles came to Madrid on a Friday, or that Buckingham was murdered on a Saturday. A subtle point Ixxviii Introduction. point in his favour is the frequency with which he changes titles as time goes on, in a most natural manner. Lord Darcy changing to Viscount Colchester, and he to Earl Rivers, at appropriate stages of the events.^ These " unde- signed coincidences," as Paley used to call them, give a strong impression of reality and authenticity. Then, again, I have throughout noted natural touches in the letters, references to quite secondary persons (like Vacandary the the carrier), minute points that are verifiable from con- temporary records, that all tell for the mass of Howell's -correspondence. The very laaince in the narrative give a Defoe-like sense of reality to it : persons disappear in it like the boy Xury in Robinson Crusoe, and as they do in real life. I certainly hesitate to credit Howell with such powers of memory or of imagination as would have enabled him to write such a mass of correspondence teeming with details often of minute accuracy. The very insignificance of some of the letters seems, too, to vouch for their authenticity. No man would think of inventing such letters as the three I. iv. 4-6, if he did not happen to have copies by him. We seem to have arrived at a critical cul de sac. Argu- ments of great weight prove that some of the letters at least were not written at the time they profess to be. Other arguments equally strong render it impossible that Howell could have absolutely invented the bulk of the correspon- dence printed in the Epistolcz Ho-Eliance. Is there any solution of the difficulty, any tertium quid which reconciles the two sets of statements? I believe there is, and proceed briefly to state it, and thus release the reader from the critical see-saw of which he must now be getting rather tired. It is, I think, certain that the chief object of the Parlia- mentarians in seizing Howell in 1642 was to obtain posses- sion of his papers, so as to obtain incriminating evidence against the King. His description of his seizure (quoted ^ On the other hand, a mistake occurs, I. iv. 25. above Introduction. Ixxix above, p. xlii.) shows that it was his " Papers and Letters, and anything that was Manuscript," that formed the main ob- ject of the search. He was ordered into custody ''till some Papers of mine were perus'd, and Mr. Corbet ^ [Chairman of the Committee for Examination] was appointed to do it." These "Letters and Papers" were sufficient to fill a "great hair Trunk," which the guards carried away with them. These Papers, I believe, included the bulk of what was afterwards to be the Epistolce Ho-Eliance. For the special purposes of the Parliamentarians, such of Howell's papers and MSS. as related to his earlier life (say before 1630) would be of absolutely no use. The)-^ were doubtless returned to him after a time, when Howell had become a regular literary man of all work. No one ac- customed to hack-work in literature could have failed to take advantage of such an amount of *'copy" thus thrown unexpectedly into his hands, and Howell saw that much of his materials, especially his letters from Spain, were of con- siderable public interest. He was vain of his letter-writing, and with justice. It was not unusual at the time to take copies of one's letters: Ferrar did so and so did Evelyn). An intelligencer would especially be in the habit of taking notes of his correspondence so as not to repeat news, and to keep separate and continuous the threads of communica- tion. It is, therefore, quite probable that m uch of the material thus unexpectedly thrown upon Howell's hands consisted of copies and notes of letters. This probability is turned into a certainty by the Stationer's Advertisement to the Reader in Part II. (see Suppt. No. xxx.), which expressly declares that some of the letters published in Book II. could not be inserted in Book I., because Howell's papers " were under sequestration." Humphrey Moseley, who signed this Ad- vertisement, was the John Murray of his day, and could not have lent himself to any imposture or mystification. ^ The usual agent in such matters. See Masson, Life, and Diet. Nat. Biog., s.v. Corbet, Miles. The Ixxx Introduction. The difficulty of dealing with such a miscellaneous mass of materials as would be thus afforded Howell would chiefly consist in their chronological arrangement. Some of the letters would be dated, others not. Howell naturally shrank from the difficult task of settling their dates from internal evidence — how difficult, even with all the aids of modern historical research, the present writer can bear unwilling but abundant testimony. The only resort was to remove all dates, fill out notes, dovetail fragments, and arrange by guess-work. It can be shown that Howell put his pen through all the dates attached to the letters, for by a singular chance he failed to do so thoroughly enough in one instance (I. i. 3), when the Ed. Pr. has the truncated date, "London this." That the arrangement of even pro- bably authentic letters was by guess-work may be shown by the instance of the letter addressed to Howell's brother- in-law, Hugh Penry (I. iii. 4). This would suit tolerably well with the circumstances and date of HowelFs return from his first trip to the Continent, but is placed by himself after his second trip two years later. It is only by some such hypothesis as that sketched above that we can explain the curious mixture in the Epistolce Ho-Eliance of minute accuracy in details with gross mis- takes in arrangement and dating. A considerable propor- tion of the latter occur in letters addressed to the members of his family, his father (who was dead), and his brother, the Bishop. It is not unlikely that the framework of these were made up in 1643-5, and fragments inserted from Howell's MSS. The letters to his father, in particular, bear the signs of having been written as an autobiographi- cal series, and give the " Legend of the Author's Life " promised in the Table of the Ed. Pr. Howell's Letters are thus authentic in a measure, being in the majority of cases, especially in Part III., founded on copies or notes made at the time they are supposed to be written. On the other hand, many of them are "cooked "^ by Introduction. Ixxxi by the insertion of incongruous fragments;^ and others, especially the series addressed to his father and containing Howell's autobiography,^ were probably either entirely fabri- cated or had the biographical paragraphs inserted, since they read too continuously. This large admixture of spurious matter renders them of little value for historical purposes ; but, as already pointed out, they would be, under any cir- cumstances, of little value in the face of the mass of authentic and diplomatic evidence contained in the archives. On the other hand, their use as " documents " of the period, in the literary and sociological sense of the word, is only slightly affected by the nebulous character of the dating and authenticity, and it is, of course, as literary or sociological " documents " that we are chiefly interested in them. To sum up, the authenticity of Howell's Letters can be fairly assumed until reason is shown to the contrary in any par- ticular case. In coming to this somewhat drab and trimming conclu- sion, an editor of Howell's Letters resists a strong temptation to declare for the complete and thorough-going fabrication of the whole book. From the literary point of view this would greatly enhance their value. Next to a great truth, a big thumping lie has the greatest attraction for the literary taste. If Howell had done his Letters, with their air of vraisemh lance and apropos, all " out of his own head," it would be one of the greatest literary feats on record. To leave such an impression of reality and eye-witness as many of his letters produce would require powers of imagination equal to those of Defoe. Highly as I rate Howell's literary powers, I know too much of his failures of imagination in his imaginative works to credit him with such success. We must content ourselves with the more humdrum truth that Howell's Letters were printed for the most part from ^ A list of these may be useful : I. i. 2, 3, 34; ii. 6, 12, 17 ; iii. 7 ; iv. 3, 8, 10, 20, 23 ; V. II, 41 ; vi. l6, 37. 2 I. i, 2, 7, 15 ; ii. I, 7, 12, 21 ; iii. i, 6, 12 ; iv. i, 7, 24 ; v, 14, 32, 38. materials Ixxxii Introduction. materials thrown upon his hands by the Parliamentarians in 1642, and " cooked " for the press between that date and 1645. The very carelessness with which they were edited argues that the amount of '' cooking" was proportionately slight, and leaves the bulk of the letters unaffected. Mean- while, the whole question of their authenticity is still left half in shadow, and my utmost pains have not been able to remove from them altogether the attraction of the mysterious and problematical. And so, James Howell, you and T must part. For four years we have lived together in the only cormnunion of souls of which mortals have certain assurance. Much have I laboured in that time at other work, hut I have always returned to you as the piece de resistance of 7ny workaday life. A solid piece you have indeed proved: to speak candidly, friend, you have hung round my neck like a millstone any time these two years. And yet with it all I have never lost the affection and respect with which you have known how to inspire your readers. Ay, respect ; for which of us poor slaves of the pen can hope to deserve, by our wisdom or our folly, a commen- tator's care and toil after the lapse of two hundred and fifty years ? For that care and toil I claim from you and yours, — the men and women whom in each generation of English- speaking folk you will win for yourself — that shadow of the shade of your fame which is the commentator's meed. I have deserved it, I know, but men get not always their deserts in letters or in life, as you well knew. I have done my part. The rest is yours and theirs. Farewell. APPENDIX. BIBLIOGRAPHICAL LIST OF HOWELL'S WORKS. [The fullest account hitherto has been that given in Bliss' edition of Athen(z Oxonienses, iii. 745 seq. Watt' Bibl. Brit, is also tolerably full, and Chalmer's Biographical Dictionary repeats Wood. In the following account all the items are from personal inspection except those in which the lineation of the title-page is not given by the sloping lines. These have been taken from Watt, Wood, Halkett-Laing's Diet, of Anon. Lit., or W. C. Hazlitt's Bibliographical Collections.] SHORT TITLES ALPHABETICALLY ARRANGED. Admonition, 47 ; Advice from Florence, 60' ; Ah ! ha ! 4*", 45' ; Bella Scot-Anglica, 25, 45^; Brief Admonition, 55 ; Christina of Sweden, 51; Cordial for Cavaliers, 61; Cotgrave, 34; Cottoni Posthuma, 39; Deplorable Condition, 19, 60''; Dialogue, 44^; Discourse of the Empire, 53 ; Dodona's Grove, i, 2, 11, 35, 41 ; England's Alarm, 54; England's Joy, 56; England's Teares, 9, 10, 17, 30; EngUsh Grammar, 64; Familiar Letters, 14, 21, 33, 49; Finetti Philoxenis, 50; Florus Hungaricus, 67; Forreine Travel, 4, 36 ; French Grammar, 70 ; German Diet, 43 ; Glance upon Isle of Wight, 60''; Inquisition after Blood, 31, 45''; Instru- ments, 23, 45% 60^, ; Josippon, 40; King's Declaration, 27, 60**; Letter to Pembroke, 20, 45'', 60*^; Lexicon Tetraglotton, 57; Londinopolis, 52; Lustra Ludovici, 16: Massaniello, 37, 42; Mercurius Hibernicus, 12, 60^; Minor Works, 44^"; Nocturnal Progress, 15, 60'; Parables, 6, 60^; Parley of Beasts, 58 ; Parthe- nopoeia, 48 ; Patricius, 7, 60% 60'' ; Peleus and Thetis, 46 ; People of Scotland, 32 ; Poems, 66; Precedency of Kings, 68, 69; Pre- heminence of Parlement, 8, 10, 60-' ; Process of Anthony Ascham, 26; Royal Matches, 63; St. Paul's Progress, 13; S. P. Q. V., 38 ; Sober Inspections into the Cordial, 62 ; Sober Inspections into Long Parliament, 44, 59 ; Some Minor Works, 45, 45'' : Strange Ixxxiv Appendix. Strange News, 22 ; Surrender of Dunkirk, 65 j Sway of Sword, 60^; Trance, 29, 45*; Trve Informer, 5 ; Twelve Treatises, 60; Venice Looking-glass, 24; Vision, 37''; Vote, 3, 21, 45^; Winter Dream, 28, 45*^. {i) AENAPOAOriA./ Dodona's Grove / or / The Vocall / Forrefl/ By J. H. Efq'. [Plate]. By T. B. for H. Mofeley at the Princes Armes in S'. Paules Church-yard, 1640, sm. fol. pp. viii. (poems) + 219. [Dedicatory poems to the King, the Queen and the Prince of Wales, to the Knowing, to the Common and to the Criticall Reader, recommenda- tory poems by Henry Wotton and T. P[richard?].] {2) Dendrologie / on / La Foreft / de Dodone / par / M. Jacques Howel Gentilhomme / £refon-Ang\a.is / Sylvae funf conful digna Virg./ A Paris / Aux depens de I'Autheur / Qui les fait vendre / Chez Auguflin Courbe. Lib. & Imprimeur de / Mons. Frere du Roy, au Palais en la petite Sale, k la Palme / M. DC. XLi./ Avec Privilege du Roy./ 4to pp. vi. (of illustra- tions) + 322 +xviii. (including Clef.). [Has the portrait of Howell, Melan and Bosc, sculp, (first state in which ' there is no coat-of-arms, and the collar is broader). Wood speaks of other French editions, but seems to have been misled by a surcharged slip in a presentation copy to Selden. See Bliss' note, col. 745.] <3) The Vote / or / A Poeme Royall, / Prefented / To His Majeflie / for a New-Yeares-Gift./ By way of Difcourfe 'twixt the Poet / and his Mufe / Calendis Januariis 1642 / London, printed by Thomas Badger 1642, 4to pp. 12. [Reprinted in second and later editions of the Letters. Cf. Text, pp. 5-12.] (4) Instrudlions / for / Forreine / Travell / Shewing by what cours and in what compajfe of time., one may / take an exa6l Survey of the King / domes and States of Chriflen / dome, and arrive at the pra6licall / Knowledge of the Languages, / to good purpose. / Post motum dulcior inde Quies. / London / Printed by T. B. for Humphrey Mofley / at the Princes Armes, in Paules / Church-yard, 1642, i2mo pp. 284. [A second edition with Appendix in 1650. See No. 36.] (5) The Trve Informer Who in the following Difcorrs, or Colloquy, Difcovereth unto the World the Cheife Caufes of the Sad Diflempers in Great Brittany and Ireland. Deduced from their Originals. Oxford, Printed by Leonard Lichfield. MDCXLiii. [Ap. 12]. 4to A-G3 in fours and the title C omitted. (6) Appendix. Ixxxv (6) Parables / refledling / upon the / Times./ Printed at Paris,/ MDCXLIII. 4to. pp. 1 6. [Preface signed Avtbvvfios addressed to Sir D., Knight (probably Sir Kenelm Digby). The British Museum copy has a MS. note in contemporary handwriting "written by James Howell," which is con- firmed by a remark in the postscript, " I am one that lyeth at the Cape of Good Hope, though a long time under hatches," cf. p. 218. The sub- scription, "Yours as at first inalterable" is also like Howell. The Parables are "The Parlement of Stars," "The Great Council of Birds," "The Parliament of Flowers," "The Assembly of Architects," and " The Insurrection of the Winds." The explanations are printed at the side of the parables. The Paris imprint is merely a blind. Reprinted in Twelve Treatises, 167-197, under title " Apologs or Fables."] (7) 'A Difcourfe, or Parly continued'/ betwixt Partricius and Pere- grine (upon their/ landing in France) touching the civill Wars / of England and Ireland. [Museum copy, incomplete, is dated in Thomasson's handwriting, 21 July, 1643. A second part was written, but probably not published till 1661 in Twelve Treatises, No. (xP.\ (8) The Preheminence and/ Pedigree of/ Parlement/ By James Howell Efquire, one of the Clerks of His Majefties raofl Honourable Privy Councill / Whereunto is added,/ A Vindi- cation of fome Paflages refledling upon him,/ in a Booke called the Popijh Royall Favorite^ penn'd/ & publilhed by Mafler Prynne, page 42 / Wherein he lliles him / No Friend to Parliament and a Malignant j Together,/ With a cleering of fome Occurrences in Spaine at His Majefties being there, cited by the faid Mafter Prynne / out of the Vocall Foreft / Publilhed by Special Licence and entred into the/ Hall Booke according to Order / Printed at London by Richard Heron 1644 [Feb. 29], 4to. pp. ii. + 18. [With Melan plate without arms. Dedicated to Sir W. S., Kt. Re- printed with England's Teares same year, No. 10, in Twelve Treatises, 1661, also separately, 1677. Also in vol. i. p. 35, Harl. Misc.,* ed. 1808, and vol. v. p. 47, Somers^ Tracts, ed. 1809. There must have been an edition without the Vindication, which was occasioned by Prynne's pamphlet as follows.] A Modeft Apology againft a Pretended Calumny in anfwer to fome Paffages in the Preheminence of Parlement. Newly publilhed by James Howell Efquire, one of the Clerks of his Majefties moft Honourable Privy Council. By William Prynne of Lincolnes Inne Efquire. 1644. The Vindication in vol. vi. p. 127. (9) Ixxxvi Appendix. (9) England's / Teares, / For the Prefent / Wars,/ which for the Nature / of the Quarrell, the Quality of Strength, the / Diver- fity of Battailes, Skirmiges, Encounters, and/ Sieges, (hap- pened in fo fhort a compaffe of/ time) cannot be paralleled by any precedent Age./ [Royal Arms] Hie mihi, qukm mifer\ rugit Leo, Lilia langueat,/ Heu, Lyra, qukm maeflos pulfat Hiberna fonos./ Printed at London, according to order, by Richard Heron, 1644. 4to. pp. 18. [Translated into Latin and Dutcli, See Nos. 17, 30. Reprinted with Preheminence and Dodona's Grove (See No. 11), in Harl. Misc., ed. 1744, viii. 249, and Somers' Tracts, v. 37,]! {10) Two Difcourfes, Lately Review'd and enrich'd by the Author. One, The Pre-eminence and Pedigree of Parlement Where- unto is added A Vindication of fome paffages refle6ling upon the Author in a Book call'd the PopiOi Royall Favorit penn'd and publifh'd by Mafler Prynne, . . . The Second, Eng- land's Teares. By James Howell. Printed at London according to Order, by Richard Home. 4to. A — D in fours, firfl leaf blank. [VV. C. Hazlitt. Wood reports another edition of the Preheminence as late as 1677. (Ed. Bliss, iii. col. 746.3] By ( Hiftoricall j lames Howell Efq. Ut clavis portam fic pandit Epiflola pectus. London, Printed by T. W. for Humphrey Mofeley &c. 1647, 8vo A 4 leaves B-S4 in eights. [TAe Vote added at end. The first edition of Second Book of letters.] (22) Strange News / from Scotland / or,/ A flrange Relation of a terrible and / prodigious Monfler borne to the amazement / of all thofe that were fpedlators, in the Kingdome of/ Scot- land, in a village neare Edinborough, call'd / Hadenfworth, Septem. 14, 1647, and the words /the faid Monfler fpake at its birth. Printed according to the Originall Relation fent over to / a great Divine hereafter mentioned. Sm. 4to pp. 5. [With cut of a two-headed monster with a second set of hands pro- truding from the knees.] (23) The/ Inflruments / of/ A King / or / A fhort Difcourfe / of ( The Sword ] < The Scepter > Satis habet Rex ad pxnam / Quod Deum \ The Crowne j expeSiet Ultorem / London / Printed in the Year 1848. 4to pp. ii. -)- 1 1. (24) A Venice Looking-glafs ; or, a Letter written very lately from Lond. to Card. Barbarini at Rome by a Venetian Clariffimo touching the prefent Diftempersin England, 1648. 4to, pp. 24. (25) Bella Scot-Anglica./ A Briefe/ of all the/ Battells, and Martiall / Encounters which have hap / pened 'twixt England and / Scotland from all / times to this prefent./ Wherunto is annexed a Corolla-/ ry declaring the caufes whereby the Scot is / come of late years to be fo hight-/ ned in his fpirits ; j With fome Prophecies which are much cryed up, as refledling upon the fate of both nations./ Printed in the Yeare 1648. 4topp. 19. (26) Appendix. Ixxxix (26) The Procefs and Pleadings / In the Court of Spain upon the death of Anthonie Afcham / Refident for the Parliament of / England / And of John Baptifla Riva his Interpreter / who /"John Guillim, William Spark, were kill'd by ■ , h If 1 ° '/ ^^° ^'■^ ^ ^" ^oio. prifon William Harnet, '-Henrie Progers, in Madrid for the faid fa6l,/ except Henry Progers who fied to the Venetian Ambaffador's Hous, and fo efcaped / London,/ printed by William Du Gard, Printer to the Council of State / 1651 / 4to pp. ii. + 15. (27) The late King's Declaration in Latin French & Englifh, 1649. [Anthony a Wood. Watt.] {28) A / Winter / Dreame./ Qiicb me fufpenfum Infomnia terrent ? Virg. / SiBpe fuiurarum prcefagia Somnia Reruni. Printed Anno Domini / QuanDo ReX AngloruM Ve6ii victltabat Captlvus / 1649 [Nov. 26, 1648] 4to pp. 20. {29) A / Trance. / Or / Newes from Hell / Brought frefli to Towne / By / Mercurius Acheronticus. / London, / Printed, Ann. Dom. 1649 [Jan. 3, 1648 O.S.] 4to pp. 19. [At end author advises reader to take heed to his words, as " he hath been buried many years."] (30) Engelants / Tranen / Over / Kreghs-Beroerten / Zijnde / i De Natuero der Oneenegheden Van wegens < De Qualiteyt der Machten ( De Veelheyt der Veltflaghen Schermutfelen, Belegeringen, &c. (binnen foo korten tijd gefchiet) by alle voorgaende Eeuwen niet te vergelijcken. / Hei mihi [&c.] / t'Amflerdam./ Voor Gerrit Willemfz, Boeck- verkoper inde Nieuwe / Gaflhuys-Molenfleegh, in't groot Cantoor-Boeck. 1649, 4to pp. 16, double cols. (31) An / Inquifition / after / Blood / To the Parliament injlatu quo nunc / and / To the Army Regnant / Or any other whether Royallifl, Prefbyterian, Inde- / pendent or Further, whom it may concern / Blood is a crying Jin, but that of Kings I Cryes loudefl for revenge, and ruine brings / Printed in the Year 1649 / (July 17th is added in MS. in Brit. Mus. copy), 4to pp. 13. (32) xc Appendix. (32) A Perfe6l / Defcription / of the / People and Country / of Scotland / By James Howel, Gent. / London, printed for J. S. 1649. 4to pp. 8. [A second edition in lamo, pp. 21, appeared in 1659. It was reprinted in 1788, in the North Briton No. 13, and there was then some talk of prosecuting the publisher owing to the^libellous character of the tract.] (33) Epiftolse Ho-Elianse. / Familiar / Letters / Domeflic and For- i Hifloricall, ren; / Divided into fundry Se(5lions,/ Partly < Politicall, ( Philofophicall^ / Vpon Emergent Occafions : / "^^j James Howell, Efq; One of the Clerks of / His late Ma"" moft Hon'"" Privy Councill. / The fecond Edition, enlarged with divers fupple- / ments, and the Dates annexed which were / wanting in the firfl,/ With an Addition of a third volume of new Letters. / Ut clavis portam, Jic pandit Epiflola pe6lus./ London, Printed by W. H. for Humphrey Mofeley, and are to be fold at his Shop at the Princes Armes in St. Pauls Church-yard, 1650. 8vo pp. xxii. (Lift of perfons addreffed, Dedication to Chas. I., To the Knowing Reader, and Table of Contents) + 82 + 256 + i. (Advt. about orthography) + iv. (Title-page and Dedica- tion to Duke of York of vol. ii.) + 122 -)- viii. (the Vote) -1- iv. (Title-page and Dedication to Earl of Dorfet of Additional Letters) -t- 43 + xv. (Contents of vol. ii. and Additional Letters). (34) A / French-Englifh / Dictionary / Compil'd by Mr. Randle Cotgrave : / with / Another in Englifh and French. / AVhere- unto are newly added the Animadverfions and Supple- / ments, &c., oi James Howell, Efquire / Inter Eneditos Cathe- dram habeat Polygloths / London, / Printed by W. H. for Octavian Palleyn, and are to be fold at his (hop at the / figne of the Rofe in Pauls Churchyard. 1650. fol. pp. xxx. (Dedi- catory Epiftle and French Grammar by J. H.) -f- forms A-Z^ Aa-Zz, Aaa-Zzz, Aaaa-Xxxx ( = [Another edition in 1660, and still another after H's death in 1673.] (35) Aeii^^oXoy/a. / Dodona's / Grove, / Or / The Vocall Foreft, / Second Part. / Silvcefunt Confule dignce. Virg. / By James Howell, Efquire. / Printed according to Order. London. Printed by W. H. for Humphrey Mofeley, and / are to be fold at his (hop at the Princes Arms / in St. Pauls Church- yard. 1650. 8vo pp. xviii. (Index) -f- 286. [With Melan portrait of Howell, second state. Plate of "Robur Britannicum " and two folded plates of trees by Merian junr.] Appendix. .xci (36) Inflruftions / and / Diredions / For Forren / Travell / Shew- ing by what cours and / in what compas of time, one may / take an exa6t Survey of the Kingdomes / and States of Chriflendorne, and ar- / rive to the prafticall knowledge of the / Languages, to good purpofe. / With a new Appendix for Tra- / veiling into Turkey and the Levant parts / By James Howell, Efq. : / — Pqfl motum dulcior inde Quies / London, / Printed by W. W. for Humphrey Mofeley at the Princes Amies in St. Pauls Church-yard. 1650. i2mo pp. vi. + 140. [Dedicated to Prince Charles. A plate of the spheres prefixed.] (37) An Exa6t / Hiflorie / of / The late Revolutions / in / Naples / and of/ their monflrous Succeffes/ Not to be parallel'd by any / Ancient or Modern Hiflory / Publiftied by the Lord Alexander Girafifi / in Italian, And (for the rareneffe of/ the fubjeft) rendered into Englifh,/ By J. H. Efq. . . . London Printed by R. A. for R. Lowndes. 1650. 8vo pp. ii. + 206. [With coloured frontispiece " Effigie & uero Ritratto di Masianiello, comandante in Napoli." Dedicated to the Levant Company.] (37a) Vifion or Dialogue between the Soul and the Body. Lond. 1651, Oct. [Anthony a Wood, also given as No. xviii. of Howell's Works at end of Parthenopceia, No. 48.] (38) S. P. Q. V. / A Survey/ of the/ Signorie/ of/ Venice,/ of her admired policy, and method of/ Government &c. / With / A cohortation to all Chriftian Princes to refent / Her dangerous condition at prefent./ By James Howell, EJq.j London / Printed for Richard Lowndes at the White Lion / in S. Pauls Churchyard, near the Weft end / m.dcli. fm. fol. pp. iv. + 210 + viii. [Dedicated to Parliament. Large plate of Venice safe in Neptune's arms, smaller lion of St. Mark.] {39) Cottoni Pojlhuma / Divers / Choice Pieces / of that / re- nowned Antiquary / Sir Robert Cotton / Knight and Baronet / Preferved from the inju-/ ry of Time and Expof'd / to public IJght, for the benefit of Poflerity,/ By J. H. Efq; / London / Printed by Francis Leach, for Henry Scill / over againil St. Dunflans Church in/ Fleet Street, 165 1 [Apr. 30], pp. vi. + 351- [Dedicated to Sir Robt. Pye.] (40) The / Wonderful / and / mofl deplorable Hiflory / of the latter Times / of the / Jews / and of the City of/ Hierufalem / Beginning xcii Appendix. Beginning where the Holy Scriptures do end./ Written firfl in Hebrew and now made / more Methodical and corredled / of fundry Errors / Perditio tua ex te Ifrael j London / Printed for John Stafford and are to be fold at the George at Fleet- Bridge and by Humphrey Mofeley at the / Princes Arms in St. Pauls Church-yard. 1652 [Jan. 2]. 8vo, pp. xii. + 432 + viii. [With plates of Josephus, Jerusalem, battering rams, &c. Dedicated to Mayor and Corporation of London. Reprinted 1684, 1699.] (41) Dendrologie ou la Forefl de Dodonne Duixieme Partie, Paris 1652, 4to. [Anthony a Wood and Bodl. Cat.] (42) The /Second Part /of/ Maffaniello/ His body taken out of the Town-Ditch and / folemnly Buried with Epitaphs upon him./ A continuation of the Tumults ; / The D. of Guife made Generalijfww / Taken prifoner by young / Don John of Auflria./ The end of the Commotions./ By J. H. Efquire / Truth never look'd fo like a Lie / As in this modern Hiflorie / London / Printed by D. M. for Abel Roper at the fign / of the Sun and T. Dring at the George / near St Dunftans Church in / Fleet flreet, mdclii / 8vo pp. xii. + 199. [Continuation of No. 37. Two plates, that of Massaniello un- coloured, and three heads of Genovino, Gennaro and Mass : A second edition of the two parts in 1664.] (43) The German Diet. : or, the Ballance of Europe, wherein the Power and Weaknefs, Glory and Reproach, Virtues and Vices, &c., of all the kingdoms and ftates of Chriftendom are impartially poifed. London, 1653. fol. [With Melan plate as frontispiece.] (44) Some fober Infpe6tions made into the Carriage and Confults of the late Long Parliament by J. H. 1653. [Other editions in 1655 and 1656. " Dedicated to O. Cromwell whom he compares to Charles Martel." — A. a W. See No. 59 for fourth etition.] (44a) A Dialogue, c 1653. ["Published and couched under.' the name of {Polyander. Written about the Time that Oliver began to be protector. In this dialogue he gives his opinion for a single person against all other governments." — Anthony h Wood^ (44b) Ah, Ha ; / Tumulus, Thalamus : / Two Counter- / Poems / The Firft an Elegy Upon Edward, late Earl of Dor-fet ; The fecond, an Epithalamium to the Lord M. of Dor-chefler / Invicem cedunt Dolor &= Voluptas / Funera, Toedoe / Sorrow may Appendix. xciii may endure for a Night / But joy cometh in tlie Morning / London / Printed for Humphrey Mofeley and are to be fold / at his fliop at the Princes Armes in St. Pauls Church-yard, 1654. 4to pp. 15. (45) Some of Mr. Howell's minor works reflecting upon the times; upon emergent occasions. 4° «./. 1654. [Bodl. Cat., ii. 3S5a.] (a) Instruments of a King. 1648. (No. 23). (b) Venice looking glass. 1648. (No. 24). (c) Winter Dreame. 1649. (No. 28). (d) Letters to Earl of Pembroke. 1647. (No. 20). (e) A Trance, or News from Hell. 1649. (No. 29). (f) Bella Scot-Anglica. 1648. (No. 25). (g) The Vote, or a Poem Royal. 1642. (No. 3). (h) Inquisition after Blood. 1649. (^o, 31). (i) Ah, ha ! Tumulus, Thalamus. 1653. (46) The Nuptialls of / Peleus / and / Thetes / confifling of a / Mafk and a Comedy / or the / The Great Royall Ball / A6led lately in Paris fix times / By / The King in Perfon / The Duke of Anjou / The Duke of Yorke / with divers other Noble men / Alfo by / The Princefs Royall Henrette Marie / The Princefs of Conty / The Dutchefs of Roquelaire / The Dutchefs of Crequy / with many other Ladies of Honour / London / Printed for Henry Honnyman, and are to be fold at his / ihop at the Ancor in the lower walk of the New / Exchange, 1654. 4to pp. vi. + 25. [Dedicated to Katherine, Marchioness of Dorchester, &c.] (47) An / Admonition / to my Lord / Protedor/ and his / Coun- cil / Of their prefent Danger / with / The means to fecure him and his Posterity in / the prefent greatneffe : With the generall applaufe and lading Tranquillity of the / Nation / London, Printed in the year 1654, 4to pp. 10. [Preface signed by J. H. A Proposal to come to arrangement with Chas. II. to have the crown after Cromwell's death.] (48) Parthenopceia / or the / Hiftory / of the / Mofl Noble and Renowned Kingdom / of / Naples / With the Dominions therunto annexed / and the Lives of all their / Kings / The Firft xciv Appendix. Firft Part by that Famous Antiquary Scipio Mazzella / made Englilh/ by Mr. Samfon Lennard/ Herald of Armes./ The Second Part Compil'd / By James Howell Efq. ; who broches fome fupplements to the Firfl part, drawn on / the Thread of the Story to thefe prefent Times, 1654/ . . . London, Printed for Humphrey Mofeley . . . 1654 sm. fol. pp. xviii. + 191 + 62 + ii. (49) A Fourth/ Volume/ of/ Familiar Letters/ Upon various ( Philofophical, ) Emergent occafions / Partly < Political, > £y James ( Hiflorical, j Howell Ef^. I Clerk of the Council to his / late Majeftie. / Senefco non Segnefco j Never Publijlied before j LONDON f Printed for Humphrey Mofeley and are to be fold / at his Shop at the Princes Arms in/ St. Pauls Church- Yard, 1655. 8vo pp. viii. + 126 + xij. [Attached to the third ed. xxii. +309 + iv. + 1154-ix. (Index to vol. ii.) + viii. (The Vote) + iv. +30 + V. (ladex to vol. iii.) and vol. iv. is here.] (50) Fvietti Philoxenis.j Som choice / Obfervations / of/ S' John Finett / Knight,/ And Mafter of the Ceremonies / to the two laft / Kings / Touching the Reception, and / Pre- cedence, the Treatment and / Audience, the Puntillios and Con / tefls of Forren / Ambaffadors / in / England / Legati ligant tnundum. London / Printed by T. R. for H. Twyford and G. Bedell and are / to be fold at their fhops in Vine Court, Middle / Temple, and the Middle Temple Gate, 1656, 8vo pp. xii. + 280 + X. [Dedicated to Visct. Lisle.] (51) A / relation / Of the / Life / of / Chriflina / Queen of Sweden / With her refignation of the crown,/ voyage to Bruxels, and / Journey to Rome./ Whereunto is added,/ Her geniufs./ Tranflated out of French, by J. H. / London 1656 [March 26.] 4to. [Attributed doubtfully to J. H. in Brit. Mu?. Cat. and without query in Bliss Cat. i. No. 2307.] (52) Londinopolis / An / Hifloricall Difcourfe / or / Perluftration / of the City of/ London/ The Imperial Chamber,/ and chief Emporium/ of/ Great Britain/ whereunto is added another of the City of Weflminfter./ With / The Courts of Juflice, Antiquities, and new / Buildings thereunto belonging./ By Jam. Howel Efq./ Senefco non Segnefco I London / Printed by J. Streater, for Henry Twiford, George Sawbridge / and John Appendix. xcv John Place and are to be fold at their (hops. 1657, sm. fot pp. viii. + 407 + viii. [With folding plate of the Thames and a portrait of Howell, E. Milan and Bosc. sculp. It is mainly a compilation from Stow, whose very words are often used, e.g. p. 123. It finishes with an interesting "Parallel by way of Corollary betwixt London and other great Cities of the World," pp. 381-407.] (53) A / Difcourfe / of the / Empire / And of the Ele6lion of A King of the / Romans the greatefl Bufmefs of / Chriflen- dom now in ^ / gitaiion / As alfo / Of the Colledg of Ele<5lors / their particular Jnterejls and who is mofl. likely to be the / next Emperor / En iMhotf) Mdx.eov j J. Senefco, non Segnefco H. / Printed by F. L. for Charles Webb at the Bores- / Head in S. Pauls Church-yard / 1658 [May 29]. i2mo + iv. + 109 + x, [Also another title page "for Jiick. Laivitdes at the White-Lyon, near the little North door of S. Pauls. 1638." With advertisement from Lowndes. At end '^In/antium cerebri / Quadragesiinus" Holborn Cal. Jan. 1658.] (54) Englands / Alarm / The / State- Maladies / And Cure : / A Mirror to the / Soldiers / And / A Parallel to Egypts Plagues with Eng / lands fmnes : / To which is added, A perpetual Almanack. / By J. H. A Lover of Englands Peace / London Printed by Tho. Johnfon, 1659. 4to pp. 8. [All in verse.] (55) A brief/ Admonition /of/ fome of the / Inconveniences / of all the three mofl Famous / Governments / Known to the World / With their Comparifons together / London, Printed, 1659. 4to pp. i. + 6. [Preface "To all honest disinterested Common Wealths-men," signed J. H.] (56) Englands Joy, / Expreffed in the 'EniNl'KION, / To the mofl Renowned Man of Honor, and Temporal Redeemer of the / Prince, Peers, and People of this Land, / His Excel- lency / The Lord General Monck. /..../ London, Printed for M. B. 1660 [June 25] fmg. sh. fol. double cols, verse. [Signed J. H.] (57) Lexicon Tetraglotton, / An / Englifli-French-Italian-Spanifh / Dictionary : / Whereunto is adjoined / A large Nomenclature of the proper Terms / (in all the four) belonging to feveral Arts and Sciences, to Recreations, to / Profeffions both Liberal and Mechanick &c. / With another Volume of the Choicefl / Proverbs / In all the faid Toungs, (confifling of divers compleat Tomes) and the Englijli tranflated into the other xcvi Appendix. other Three, to take ofif the reproch which ufeth to be call upon Her, That / She is but barren in this point and thofe Proverbs She / hath are but flat and empty. / Moreover there are fundry familiar Letters and Verfes running all in Proverbs with a particular Tome of the Britijh or old Cambrian / Sayed Sawes and Adages which the Author thought fit to annex thereunto, and make / Intelligible for their great Anti- quity and Weight : / Laftly, there are five Centuries of New Sayings which in tra<5l of Time may ferve / for Proverbs to Poflerity / By the Labours and Lucubrations of James Howell, Efq. ; / Senefco non Segnefco / London / Printed by J. G. for Cornelius Bee at the Kinges Armes in Little Britain, 1660, fol. pp. xviii. [Dedications, (i) To Chas. II., (2) Eng. Prov. to Earl Lindsey at Grimsthorp, (3) French Prov. to Lord Willoughby of Ersby, (4) Ital. Prov. to Sir W. Pacton, (5) Spanish Prov. to Sir Lewis Dives, (6) Welsh Prov. to Richard, Earl of Carberry, (7) To Brian Duppa on the new proverbs.] (58) ©npokoyia. I The / Parley / of / Bealls / or Morphundra / Queen of the / Inchanted Ifland / Wherein Men were found, who being tranf / muted to Beafls, though proffered to be dis-inchanted, / and to become Men again ; yet, in regard of the / crying Sins, and rebellious humors of the Times, they prefer the Life of a Brute Animal / before That of a Rational Creture : / Which Fancy confifls of various Philo- fophicall Dis- / courfes. With Morall, Metaphyjicall, Hijiorical and Naturall touching the declinings of the World and late / Depravation of Human Nature / With Reflexes upon the prefent flate of mofl / Countries in Chriflendom / Divided into a XI Sedlions / By Jam. Howell, Efq. : / Senefco, non Segnefco. j The Firll Tome / London, Printed by W. Wilfon for Williatn Palmer at / the Palm Tree in Fleet flreet near St. Dunflan's Church, 1660. sm. fol. pp. xvi. (including Key of Anograms) + 152 + xii. (orthography and Index). [Dedicated to Lady Marie de la Fontaine. Melan plate second state as frontispiece, Plate of beasts facing it,] (59) Philanglus / Some fober Infpe6lions / Made into the / Carriage and Confults / Of the Late long Parlement / Whereby occafion is taken to fpeak / of Parlements in / former Times &c.,/ With fom Reflexes upon Government in general / With fom Prophetic Paragraff"s / The fourth edition with a Supplement of divers / figned paffages which the other three had not./ By Jam. Howell, Efq./ Cupio ut reEle capiar.j London, printed by T. L. for W. Palmer at the Palm Tree near St. Dunstatis Appendix. xcvii Dunstaiis Church in Fleet jlreet 1660, 121110 pp. vi. + 180 + iv. [Quotation from Vocal Forest dated 1638.] (60) Divers Hifloricall Difcourfes of the late Popular Infurre6lions in Great Britain, and Ireland, Tending to the afferting of Truth in Vindication of their Majeflies. By James Howell, Efquire. Some of which Difcourfes were flrangled in the Prefle by the power which then fwayed, but now are newly retriev'd, colle6ted and Publifh'd by Richard Royflon. The Firfl Tome. London, Printed by J. Grifmond 1661. [From MS. note in'Bliss' copy of the Grismond issue.] Alfo under the title : — Twelve / Several Treatifes / Of the late Revolutions / In thefe / Three Kingdomes ; / Deducing the caufes thereof from / Their originals./ By James Howell Efq. ; / His Majesties Hifioriographer Royal.j London:/ Printed by J. Grifmond^ and are to be fold by / the Book-fellers in London and Wefi- minjlerj 1661, 8vo pp. ii. (Table of Contents) + 411. [Has a frontispiece not in the Royston issue. Contains the following.] (a) Cafual Difcourfes / and / Interlocutions / Betwixt / Patricius and Peregrin / Touching the DiftraSiions of the Times / With the Caufes of them. [Pp. 1-85. Cf. No. 7.] (b) The / Second Part / of / A Difcourfe / 'Twixt / Patricius / and Peregrin,/ Touching / the Diflempers / of the / Times. [Pp. 87-1 19.*?, Probably not printed before.] (c) A / Sober and Seafonable / Memorandum / fent to the Right Honourable / Philip late Earl of Pembrock / and Mont- gomery, &c./ To mind him of the particular Sacred / Ties (befides the Common Oath of / Alleagance and Supremacy) wereby he was / bound to adhere to the King his Liege / Lord and Mafler,/ and prefented unto Him in the hottefl Brunt of the late Civill Wars./ Juramentum ligamen con- fcienticB marinum. [Pp. 121-141. Same as No. 20.] (d) His / Late Majeflies Royal / Declaration / or / Manifefto / to all / Forrein Princes / and / States / Touching his conftancy in the Proteflant Religion./ Being traduced abroad by fome Mi- xcviii Appendix. Mi-/licious and lying Agents/ That he was wavering therein, and upon the high road of returning to Rome. [Pp. 142-165, in Latin, French, and English, and Preface in which J. H. states that Salmasius quoted this when it first appeared. Same as No. 27. (e) Apologs / or / Fables / Mythologiz'd / Out of whofe Moralls the / State and Hiftory of the late unhap/py Deflradlions in Great Britain and / Ireland may be extracted ; / Some of which Apologs have prov'd / Prophetical — Nil eft niji Fabula Mundus. [Same as No. 6. Prefatory letter to my Honoured and known friend Sir J. C. Knight, and Postscript in which a reference to the True Informer.] ^f) Of / the Land of Ire. / or, / A Difcours / of that / Horrid Infurredlion / and / Maflacres / which happen'd lately / In Ireland ; / By Mercurius Hibeniicus / Who difcovers unto the World the / True Caufes and Incendiaries thereof/ In Vindication / Of His Majefly, who is mod malicioufly / Traduc'd to be Acceflbry thereunto ; / which is as damnable a Lie as poffibly / could be hatched in Hell ; which is the / Staple of Lies / A Lie flands upon one Legg. — / Truth upon two. [Twelve Treatises 199-230. Same as No. 12. Dated from Fleet 3 Nonas Apriles, 1643.] {g) The Sway / of the / Sword / or a Difcours / of the Militia Train'd Band / or / Common Soldiery / of the Land ; / Prov- ing,/ that the Power and Command thereof in Chief belongs to / the Ruling Prince^ and to no other / Sine Gladio nulla defenfis. [Pp. 233-59. Dated 3 Non. Marcas 1645. = Instruments of a King, No. 23.] ■(h) An / Italian / Perfpedlive,/ Through which / Great Britain / (without any / Multiplying Art) may clearly y^-^ / Her prefent Danger / Kndiforefee Her future / Deflrudlion / If not timely prevented / Perditio iua ex te Anglia. [Pp. 263-304 "2-12 Aug. 1647, Heading of letter," An Account &c. No. 19.] (i) A / Nodlurnal Progrefs : / or / a Perambulation / of moft / countreys / in / Chriftendom,/ Performed in One Night by flrength / of the Imagination. I Which progreffe terminates in thefe / North- Weft Ifles / And declares the woful con- fufions / They are involv'd at Prefent. [Pp. 307-338. Dated Ides Dec. 1645. Same as No. 15.] (J) Appendix. xcix (j) A / Vindication / of his / Majefly / touching a Letter he wrote to Rome, &c. [Pp- 339-370. Not previously printed.] h cii Appendix. (3) Tranflation of Valentinus' Triumphant Chariot of Antimony Lond. 1661. {4) Tranflation of Paracelfus' Archedoxes, Lond. 1661. (5) Tranflation of Paracelfus' Aurora 1659. [These three are attributed to Howell by the Brit. Mus. Cat. (though doubtfully) because by "J. H. Oxon^ But the same published a third treatise of Paracelsus in 1667, a year after Howell's death, the style is quite different and Howell numbers his works after 1660.] (6) Diary of Sir John Finett. [2, N and Q. iv. 73 : a confusion with Finetti Philoxenis, Nc. 50.] {7) The Grecian Story to which is annexed the Grove 1684. [Grenville Catalogue, pt. ii. : a confusion with The Vocal Forest, No. I. Really by J. Harrington.] {8) Translation of Sir K. Digby's Discourse, &c, 1659. [Said by Aubrey, Lives ii., to have been done from the French by Howell.] I am myself somewhat doubtful of the attribution of Nos. 18, 22, above. Indeed, Howell's period was especially rich in writers under the initials J. H., e.g., J. Heasley, J. Henshawe, J. Hewitt, J. Hall, J. Hinde, J. Hayward, J. Harrington. Cf too the J. H. who signs the letter in Pari. Hist., vol. xxiii., the second J. H. of Forde's Familiar Epistles, a J. H. in Hist. MSS. Com., X. iv. 74, and the J. H. who writes introductory verses to the Eikon £asilike.* EDITIONS OF THE "LETTERS." There is some confusion in the numbering of the editions. Four issues occurred during Howell's lifetime supra, Nos. 14, 21, 33, 49. But of these No. 21 was a second volume and No. 49 a fourth, issued with a reprint of the preceding volumes. There were thus practically only three editions, the quarto of 1645, ^^e octavo of 1650, and the octavo of 1655, with which a fourth volume was bound up. The so-called 5th edition of 1673 is thus really the fourth. Then follow editions all in 8vo of about 500 pp. and all but one in London in 1688 {" 6th"), 1708 ("7th"), 1713! ("8th"), * By a curious coincidence Sir Walter Scott chose J. H. as the initials of the imaginary writer of the "Private Letters" of the reign of James I., which were afterwards transformed into the " Fortunes of Nigel," but were evidently suggested by the Epistola Ho-Eliance (Lockhart, Life, sub anno 1821, c. liv. p. 467, gives a specimen of one of the "Letters"). + This seems the rarest of all ; neither Bliss nor Mr. Hazlitt had seen a copy, nor is it in the Brit. Mus. or Bodl. I have been lucky enough to get one. It was published "For the Booksellers," but has on the plate the name of T. Guy, who published the fifth, sixth, and seventh editions (Athen. Mar. 15, 1890). The editions after the eighth were published by "the trade." 1726 Appendix. ciii 1726 ("9th"), 1737 ^"loth"), 1753 (Aberdeen, abridged, also called " loth "), 1754 (" nth"). The present is thus really and nominally the twelfth edition, and practically the only edition in which there has been any editing. The only piece of bibliomania I can connect with the book is the production of a magnificent Grangerised copy of the book in three vols, which belonged to the banker-forger, Fauntleroy, and cost him jC^S^j 5^- (S -^ '^^^ Q- x. 520). I have traced this to a bookseller's in the Piazza, Covent Garden (slip in Forster's copy, South Kens.), but should be glad to hear of its present where- abouts. This present edition has already had its adventures before publication. Planned in 1887, a prospectus was issued in 1888, and the first volume, containing the text and supplement, was issued to subscribers in March 1890 unbound and without proper title-page. The documents contained in Supplement I. were calmly utilised without acknowledgment in the Introduction to an edition of the First Book of the Letters, which was issued in two volumes as part of the Stott Library in the autumn of 1890 (see Athen. Oct. 11, 1890). Tardy recognition, owing to my protest, was made in a second issue of the edition, but the calm use of whole documents without acknowledgment before their actual publication beats the record in such things. A few copies were bound and issued to the public at an enhanced price in 1890, so that the present issue in two equal parts is the third " state " of this edition — I hope not the worst one. The few remaining large paper copies of the book were de- stroyed by fire at Messrs. Ballantyne's in 1891, so that this part of the edition is already out of print before publication. miiiiii ii l ii i r iiliiiii n lii i iiiii H ii iTi ii flM ii i ii n i i iiiiiii i iiiliiii i iiiiiiiiii w EpistolcE Ho-Eliance : FAMILIAR LETTERS DoMESTicK and Foreign, Divided into Four BOOKS : i Historical, Partly \ Political, ( Philosophical: Upon Emergent Occasions. By JAMES HOWELL, Esq. ; One of the Clerks of his late Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council. JJt clavis portam, sic pandit Epistola pectus. LONDON: M DCC XXXVII TO HIS MAJESTY. SIR, ^^HBSJS Letters address d (most of them) to your best degrees of Subjects^ do as so ^^ many Lines drawn from the Circum- ference to the Centre^ all meet in your Majesty I who as the Law styles you the Fountain of Honour and Grace, so you should be the Centre of our Happiness. If your Majesty vouchsafe them a gracious Aspect, they may all prove Letters of Credit ^ if not Credential Letters, which Sovereign Princes use only to authorize: They venture to go abroad into the vast Ocean of the World as Letters ^Mart, to try their Fortunes ; and your Majesty being the greatest LordofSQ2i under Heaven, is fittest to protect them; and then they will not fear any human Power. Moreover, as this Royal Protection secures them>from all danger, so it will infinitely conduce to the pros- perity of their Voyage, and bring the^n to safe Port with rich Returns. Nor The EriSTLE Dedicatory. Nor would these Letters be so Familiar, as to pre- sume upon so high a Patronage, were 7iot many of them Records of your own Royal Actions : And 'tis well known, that Letters can treasure up, and trans- mit Matters of State to Posterity, with as much Faith, and be as authentick Registers, and safe Repositories of Truth, as any Story whatsoever, This brings them to lie prostrate at your Feet, with their Author, who is, SIR, Your Majesty's most Loyal Subject and Servant, J. HOWELL. The The Vote, or a Poe^n-Royal, PRESENTED To His Majesty for a New- Year' s-Gift^ by way of Discourse betwixt the Poet and his Muse. Calendis /anuarii, 1641, P O E M A. HE World's bright Eye, Time's measurer, begun Through wat'ry Capricorn his Course to run ; 0\d /amis hasten'd on, his Temples bound With Ivy, his grey Hairs with Holly crown'd : When in a serious quest my Thoughts did muse What Gift, as best becoming, I should chuse To Britain's Monarch (my dread Sov'reign) bring, Which might supply a New- Year's Offering. I rummag'd all my Stores, and search'd my Cells, Where nought appear'd, God-wot, but Bagatels : No far-fetch'd Indian Gem cut out of Rock, Or fish'd in Shells, were trusted under Lock ; No Piece which Angela's strong Fancy hit, Or Titian's Pencil or rare Halyard's Wit ; No Ermines, or black Sables, no such Skins, As the grim Tartar hunts or takes in Gins ; No A Poem-Royal, No Medals, or rich Stuff of Tyrian Dye ; No costly Bowls of frosted Argentry ; No curious Landskip, or some Marble Piece Digg'd up in Delphos, or elsewhere in Greece; No Roman Perfumes, Buffs, or Cordovans, Made drunk with Amber by Moreno's Hands ; No Arras or rich Carpets freighted o'er The surging Seas, from Asians doubtful Shore ; No Lion's Cub, or Beast of strange Aspect, Which in Nwjiidids fiery Womb had slept ; No old Toledo Blades, or Damaskins ; No Pistols, or some rare-spring Carabines ; No Spanish Gennet, or choice Stallion sent From Naples, or hot Afrids Continent : In fine, I nothing found, I could descry Worthy the Hands of Ccesar, or his Eye. My Wits were at a stand, when, lo, my Muse (None of the Choir, but such as they do use For Laundresses or Handmaids of mean Rank, I knew sometimes on Po and Isis Bank) Did softly buz, MUSE. Then let me something bring. May handsel the NeTJi)- Year to CHARLES my King, May usher in \i\lxon\.t^ Janus POET. Thou fond fool-hardy Muse^ thou silly Thing, Which 'raongst the Shrubs and Reeds do'st use to sing ; Dar'st thou perk up, and the tall Cedar climb, And venture on a King with gingling Rhyme ? Tho' all thy Words were Pearls, thy Letters Gold, And cut in Rubies, or cast in a Mould Of Presented by His Majesty. Of Diamonds ; yet still thy Lines would be Too mean a Gift for such a Majesty. MUSE. I'll try and hope to pass without Disdain, In New- Year-Gifts^ the Mind stands for the Main. The Sophy, finding 'twas well meant, did deign Few Drops of running Water from a Swain : Then sure 'twill please my Liege, if I him bring Some gentle Drops from the Castalian Spring \ Tho' Rarities I want of such Account, Yet have I something on the forked Mount. 'Tis not the first, or third Access I made To Casat's Feet, and thence departed glad. For as the Sun with his Male Heat doth render Nile's muddy Slime fruitful, and apt t' engender, And daily to produce new kind of Creatures, Of various Shapes, and thousand differing Features ; So is my Fancy quicken'd by the Glance Of his benign Aspect and Countenance ] It makes me pregnant and to superfete ; Such is the Vigor of his Beams and Heat. Once in a Vocal Forest! did sing. And made the Oak to stand for CHARLES my King The best of Trees, whereof (it is no vaunt) The greatest Schools of Europe sing and chant. There you also shall find Dame * ARHETINE, Great Henry's Daughter, and Great Britain's Queen, Her Name engraved in a Laurel-Tree, And so transmitted to Eternity. For now I hear that Grove speaks, besides mine. The language of the Loire^ the Po and Rhine ; * Id est, Virtuous, Anagram Z IX. To Mr. Richard Altham, at his Chamber in Grays-Inn, Dear Sir, THO' you be now a good way out of my Reach, yet you are not out of my Remembrance ; you are still within the Horizon of my Love. Now the Horizon of Love is large and spacious, it is as boundless as that of the Imagination ; and where the Imagination rangeth, the Memory is still busy to usher in, and present the desired Object it fixes upon : It is Love that sets them both on work, and may be said to be the highest Sphere whence they receive their motion. Thus you appear to me often in these foreign Travels; and that you may believe me the better, I send you these Lines as my Ambassadors (and Ambassadors must not lye) to inform you accordingly, and to salute you. I desire to know how you like Plowden : I heard it often said, that there's no Study requires Patience and Constancy more than the Common Law ; for it is a good while before one comes to any known Perfection in it, and consequently to any gainful Practice. This (I think) made Jack Chaundler throw away his Littleton, like him that, when he could not catch the Hare, said, A pox upon her, she is but dry tough Meat ', let her go : It is not so with you, for I know you are of that disposition, that when you mind a thing, nothing can frighten you in making constant pursuit after it, till you have obtained it : For if the Mathematics, with their crabbedness and intricacy, could not deter you, but that you waded thro' the very midst of them, and arriv'd to so excellent a Perfection ; I believe it is not in the power of Plowden to dastardize or cow your Spirits, until you have overcome him, at leastwise have so much of him as will serve your turn. I know you were always a quick and pressing Disputant in Logic and Philosophy ; which makes me think your Genius is fit for Law, (as the Baron your excellent Father was) for a good Logician makes always a c good 34 Familiar Letters. Book I. good Lawyer : And hereby one may give a strong con- jecture of the aptness or inaptitude of one's capacity to that Study and Profession ; and you know as well as I, that Logicians, who went under the name of Sopliisters, were the first Lawyers that ever were. I shall be upon uncertain removes hence, until I come to Rouen in France, and there I mean to cast Anchor a good while ; I shall expect your Letters there with im- patience. I pray present my Service to Sir James Altham, and to my good Lady your Mother, with the rest to whom it is due in Bishopsgate-street, and elsewhere: So I am — Yours in the best degree of friendship, J. H. Hague, 30 May 16 19. X. To Sir James Crofts, /row the Hague. Sir, THE same observance that a Father may challenge of his Child, the like you may claim of me, in regard of the extraordinary care you have been pleas'd to have always, since I had the happiness to know you, of the course of my Fortunes. I am now newly come to the Hag7ie, the Court of the six (and almost seven) Confederated Provinces; the Council of State, with the Prince of Orange, makes his firm Re- sidence here, unless he be upon a March, and in motion for some design abroad. This Prince (Maurice) was cast in a Mould suitable to the temper of this People : He is slow and full of wariness, and not without a mixture of Fear; I do not mean a pusillanimous but politick Fear: he is the most constant in the quotidian course and carriage of his Life, of any that I have ever heard or read of; for whosoever knows the customs of the Prince of Orange, may tell what he is doing here every hour of the day, tho' he be in Constantinople. In the Morning he awakes about six in Summer, and seven in Winter ; the first thing he does, he sends one of his Grooms or Pages to see how the Wind sits, Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 35 sits, and he wears or leaves off his Wastecoat accordingly ; then he is about an hour dressing himself, and about a quarter of an hour in his Closet: Then comes in the Secretary, and if he hath any private or public Letters to write, or any other Dispatches to make, he does it before he stirs from his Chamber; then comes he abroad, and goes to his Stables, if it be no Sermon-day, to see some of his Gentlemen or Pages (of whose Breeding he is very care- ful) ride the great Horse : He is very accessible to any that hath Business with him, and sheweth a winning kind of Familiarity, for he will shake Hands with the meanest Boor of the Country, and he seldom hears any Commander or Gentleman with his Hat on : He dines punctually about twelve, and his Table is free for all Comers, but none under the degree of a Captain uses to sit down at it : After Dinner he stays in the Room a good while, and then any one may accost him, and tell his Tale; then he retires to his Chamber, where he answers all Petitions that were deliver'd him in the Morning ; and towards the Evening, if he goes not to Council, which is seldom, he goes either to make some Visits, or to take the Air abroad. And according to this constant Method he passes his Life. There are great stirs like to arise 'twixt the Bohemians and the elected King the Emperor ; and they are come already to that height, that they consult of deposing him, and to chuse some Protestant Prince to be their King. Some talk of the Duke of Saxony, others of the Palsgrave ; I believe the States here would rather be for the latter, in regard of conformity of Religion, the other being a Lutheran. I could not find in Amsterdam a large Ortelius in French to send you ; but from Antwerp I will not fail to serve you. So wishing you all happiness and health, and that the Sun may make many progresses thro' the Zodiac, before those comely gray Hairs of yours go to the Grave, I rest — Your very humble Servant, J. H. 2, June 1619. XL 36 Familiar Letters. Book I. XL To Captain Francis Bacon, at the Glass-House in Broad-street. Sir, MY last to you was from Amsterdam, since which time I have travers'd the prime parts of the United Provinces; and I am now in Zealand, being newly come to this Town of Middlehorough, which is much crestfallen since the Staple of English Cloth was remov'd hence, as is Flishing also, her next Neighbour, since the departure of the English Garison. A good intelligent Gentleman told me the manner how Flishing and the Brill, our two cau- tionary Towns here, were redeemed, which were thus : The nine hundred and odd Soldiers at Flishing, and the Ram- makins hard by, being many Weeks without their Pay, they borrow'd divers Sums of Money of the States of this Town, who finding no Hopes of Supplies from England, Advice was sent to the States- General at the Hague ; they consulting with Sir Ralph JVinwood, our Ambassador (who was a favourable Instrument to them in this Business, as also in the Match with the Palsgrave) sent Instructions to the Lord Caroon, to acquaint the Earl of Suffolk (then Lord Treasurer) herewith ; and in case they could find no Satis- faction there, to make his Address to the King himself, which Caroon did. His Majesty being much incens'd that his Subjects and Soldiers should starve for want of their Pay in a foreign Country, sent for the Lord Treasurer, who drawing his Majesty aside, and telling how empty his Exchequer was, his Majesty told the Ambassador, that if his Masters the States would pay the Money they ow'd him upon those Towns, he would deliver them up. The Ambassador returning the next day, to know whether his Majesty persisted in the same Resolution, in regard that at his former Audience he perceiv'd him to be a little transported ; his Majesty answer'd, that he knew the States of Holland to be his good Friends and Confederates, both in Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 37 in point of Religion and Policy ; therefore he apprehended not the least fear of any difference that should fall out between them_, in contemplation whereof, if they desired to have their Towns again, he would willingly surrender them. Hereupon the States made up the Sum presently, which came in convenient time, for it serv'd to defray the expenceful Progress he made to Scotland the Summer fol- lowing. When that Money was lent by Queen Elizabeth, it was articled, that Interest should be paid upon Interest ; and besides, that for every Gentleman who should lose his Life in the States Service, they should make good five Pounds to the Crown of England: All this his Majesty remitted, and only took the Principal ; and this was done in requital of that Princely Entertainment, and great Presents, which my Lady Elizabeth had receiv'd in divers of their Towns as she pass'd to Heidelberg. The Bearer hereof is Sig. Antonio Miotti, who was Master of a Crystal-Glass Furnace here a long time ; and as I have it by good Intelligence, he is one of the ablest and most knowing Men for the guidance of a Glass- Work in Christendom : therefore, according to my Instructions, I send him over, and hope to have done Sir Robert good Service thereby. So with my kind Respects unto you, and my most humble Service where you know it is due, I rest — Your affectionate Servant, J. H. 6 June 1619. XII. To Sir James Crofts, yrow Antwerp. Sir, I PRESUME that my last to you from the Hague came safe to hand : I am now come to a more chearful Country, and amongst a People somewhat more vigorous and metal'd, being not so heavy as the Hollander, or homely as they of Zealand. This goodly ancient City methinks looks like a disconsolate Widow, or rather some super- annuated Virgin, that hath lost her Lover, being almost quite 38 Familiar Letters. Book I. quite bereft of that flourishing Commerce wherewith before the falling off the rest of the Provinces from Spain she abounded, to the envy of all other Cities and Marts of Europe. There are few Places this side the Alps better built and so well streeted as this ; and none at all so well girt with Bastions and Ramparts, which in some places are so spacious, that they usually take the Air in Coaches upon the very Walls, which are beautified with divers rows of Trees and pleasant Walks. The Citadel here, tho' it be an addition to the stateliness and strength of the Town, yet it serves as a shrewd Curb unto her; which makes her chomp upon the Bit, and foam sometimes with anger, but she cannot help it. The Tumults in Bohemia now grow hotter and hotter; they write how the great Council at Prague fell to such a hurliburly, that some of those Senators who adher'd to the Emperor were thrown out at the Win- dows, where some were maim'd, some broke their Necks. I am shortly to bid farewell to the Netherlands, and to bend my course for France, where I shall be most ready to entertain any Commands of yours. So may all Health and Happiness attend you, according to the Wishes of — Your obliged Servant, J. H. S/tily 1619. XHI. To Dr. Tho. Prichard, at Oxiord, from Rouen. I HAVE now taken firm footing in France, and tho' France be one of the chiefest Climates of Compliment, yet I can use none towards you, but tell you in plain down- riffht Lanp-uatre, That in the List of those Friends I left behind me in England, you are one of the prime Rank, one whose Name I have mark'd with the whitest Stone : If you have gain'd such a place amongst the choicest Friends of mine, I hope you will put me somewhere amongst yours, tho' I but fetch up the rear, being contented to be the irifirma species, the lowest in the Predicament of your Friends. I Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 39 I shall sojourn a good while in this City of Rouen ; there- fore I pray make me happy with the comfort of your Letters, which I shall expect with a longing impatience : I pray send me ample advertisement of your welfare, and of the rest of your Friends, as well upon the Banks of his as amongst the British Mountains. I am but a Fresh-man yet in France, therefore I can send you no News but that all is here quiet, and ^Tis no ordinary News that the French should be quiet: But some think this Calm will not last long; for the Queen-Mother (late Regent) is discontented, being restrain'd from coming to the Court, or to the City of Paris; and the tragical death of her Favourite (and Foster-Brother), the late Marquis of Ancre, lieth yet in her Stomach undigested : She hath the Duke of Espernon, and divers other potent Princes, that would be strongly at her devotion (as 'tis thought) if she would stir. I pray present my Service to Sir Eubule Theloal, and send me word with what pace /esus' College new Walls go up. I will borrow my Conclusion to you at this time of my Countryman Owe7i ; i/no nofi possum quantum te diligo versu Dicere, si satis est Distichon, ecce duos. J cannot in One Verse my Love declare ; Jf Two will serve the turn, lo here they are. Whereunto I will add this Sirname Anagram — Yours whole, J. HowEL. 6 Aug. 1619. XIV. To Dan. Caldwall, Esq. ; from Rouen. MY dear T)an, when I came first to this Town, amongst other Objects of Contentment which I found here, whereof there are variety, a Letter of yours was brought to me, and ^twas a She-Letter, for two more were enwomb'd in her Body : she had an easy and quick deliverance of that Twin ; but, besides them, she was big and pregnant of divers sweet Pledges, and lively Evidences of your own Love towards 40 Familiar Letters. Book I. towards me, whereof I am as fond as any Mother can be of her Child. I shall endeavour to cherish and foster this dear Love of yours with all the tenderness that can be, and warm it at the fuel of my best Affections, to make it grow every day stronger and stronger, until it comes to the state of Perfection; because I know it is a true and real, it is no spurious or adulterated Love. If I intend to be so indulgent and careful of yours, I hope you will not suffer mine to starve with you ; my Love to you need not much tending, for it is a lusty strong Love, and will not easily miscarry. I pray, when you write next, to send me a dozen pair of the best white Kid-skin Gloves the Royal-Exchaiige can afford ; as also two pair of the purest white worsted Stock- ings you can get of Women's size, together with half a dozen of pair of Knives, I pray send your Man with them to t^acandary , the French Post upon Tower-hill, who will bring them me safely. When I go to Paris, I shall send you some curiosities equivalent to these. I have here inclos'd return'd an answer to those two that came in yours; I pray see them safely deliver'd. My kind Respects to your Brother Sergeant at Court, to all at Batter.my or anywhere else, where you think my Commendations may be placed. No more at this time, but that I recommend you to the never-failing Providence of God, desiring you to go on in nourishing still between us that Love, which, for my part, JVo Traverses ^Chance, of Time, or Fate, Shall e'er extinguish till our Lives last date : But, as the Vine her lovely Elm doth wire, Grasp both our Hearts, and flame with fresh desire. — Yours, J. H. 13 Aug. 1619. XV. To my Father^ /rom Rouen. Sir, YOURS of the third of August came safe to hand in an inclos'd from my Brother; you may make easy con- iecture how welcome it was unto me, and to what a height of Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 41 of comfort it rais'd my Spirits, in regard it was the first I receiv'd from you since I crossed the Seas : I humbly thank you for the Blessing you sent along with it. I am now upon the fair Continent of France, one of Nature's choicest Master-pieces ; one of Ceres' chiefest Barns for Corn ; one of Bacchus's prime Wine-Cellars, and of Nep- tune's best Salt-pits; a compleat self-sufficient Country, where there is rather a Superfluity than Defect of anything, either for Necessity or Pleasure, did the Policy of the Country cor- respond with the Bounty of Nature, in the equal distribution of the Wealth amongst the Inhabitants ; for I think there is not upon the Earth a richer Country, and poorer People. 'Tis true, England hath a good repute abroad for her Fer- tility, yet be our Harvests never so kindly, and our Crops never so plentiful, we have every year commonly some Grain from thence, or from Dantzick, and other Places imported by the Merchant: Besides, there be many more Heaths, Commons, bleak barren Hills, and waste Grounds in England, by many degrees, than I find here ; and I am sorry our Country of Wales should give more Instances hereof than any other Part. This Province of Normandy, once an Appendix of the Crown of England, tho' it want Wine, yet it yields the King as much Demesnes as any one of the rest ; the Lower Norman hath Cyder for his common Drink ; and I visibly observ'd that they are more plump and replete in their Bodies, and of a clearer Complexion, than those that drink altogether Wine. In this great City of Rouen there be many Monuments of the English Nation yet extant. In the outside of the highest Steeple of the great Church, there is the Word GOD engrav'd in huge golden Characters, every one almost as long as myself, to make them the more visible. In this Steeple hangs also the greatest Bell of Christendom, called d'Amboise, for it weighs near upon forty thousand pound weight. There is also here St. Oen, the greatest Sanctuary of the City, founded by one of our Compatriots, as the Name imports: This Province is also subject to Wardships, and 42 Familiar Letters. Book /. and no other part of France besides ; but whether the Con- queror translated that Law to England from hence^ or whether he sent it over from England hither, I cannot resolve you. There is a marvellous quick Trade driven in this Town, because of the great navigable River, Seguena (the Seine) that runs hence to Paris, whereon there stands a strange Bridge that ebbs and flows, that rises and falls with the River, it being made of Boats, whereon Coach and Carts may pass over as well as Men : Besides, this is the nearest Mercantile City that stands betwixt Paris and the Sea. My last to you was from the Low Coimtries, where I was in motion to and fro above four Months; but I fear it mis- carry^d, in regard you make no mention of it in yours. I begin more and more to have a sense of the sweetness and advantage of foreign Travel : I pray when you come to London, to find a time to visit Sir Robert, and acknow- ledge his great Favours to me, and desire a continuance thereof, according as I shall endeavour to deserve them. So with my due and daily Prayers for your Health, and a speedy successful issue of all your Law-businesses, I humbly crave your Blessing, and rest — Your dutiful Son, J. H. 7 Sept. 1619. XVL To Capt. Francis Bacon, ^rom Paris. Sir, I RECEIVED two of yours in Rouen, with the Bills of Exchange there inclos'd; and according to your direc- tions I sent you those things which you wrote for. I am now newly come to Paris, this huge Magazine of Men, the Epitome of this large populous Kingdom, and Rendezvous of all Foreigners. The Structures here are in- differently fair, tho' the Streets generally foul all the four Seasons of the year ; which I impute first to the Position of the City, being built upon an Isle, (the Isle of France, made so by the branching and serpentine course of the River of Seine) and having some of her Suburbs seated high, the Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 43 the Filth runs down the Channel, and settles in many places within the body of the City, which lies upon a Flat; as also for a world of Coaches, Carts, and Horses of all sorts that go to and fro perpetually, so that sometimes one shall meet with a stop half a mile long of those Coaches, Carts, and Horses, that can move neither forward nor backward, by reason of some sudden Encounter of others coming a cross-way; so that often-times it will be an hour or two before they can disintangle. In such a stop the Great Henry was so fatally slain by Ravillac. Hence comes it to pass, that this Town (for Paris is a Town, a City, and an University) is always dirty, and 'tis such a Dirt, that by perpetual Motion is beaten into such black unctuous Oil, that where it sticks no Art can wash it off of some Colours ; insomuch, that it may be no improper Comparison to say, That an ill Name is like the Crot (the Dirt) of Paris, which is indelible; besides, the Stain this Dirt leaves, it gives also so strong a scent, that it may be smelt many miles off, if the Wind be in one's Face as he comes from the fresh Air of the Country : this may be one cause why the Plague is always in some corner or other of this vast City, which may be call'd, as once Scythia was, Fagina populorum, or (as Mankind was call'd by a great Philosopher) a great Mole- hill of Ants : yet I believe this City is not so populous as she seems to be, for her Form being round (as the whole Kingdom is) the Passengers wheel about, and meet oftener than they used to do in the long continued Streets of London, which makes London appear less populous than she is indeed; so that London for length (tho' not for latitude) including IVestminster, exceeds Paris, and hath in Michaelmas Term more souls moving within her in all places. 'Tis under one hundred years that Paris is become so sumptuous and strong in Buildings; for her Houses were mean, until a Mine of white Stone was discover'd hard by, which runs in a continued Vein of Earth, and is digg'd out with ease, being soft, and is between a white Clay and Chalk at first ; but being pulley'd up with the open Air, it receives a crusty kind 44 Familiar Letters. Book I. kind of hardness, and so becomes perfect Freestone ; and before it is sent up from the Pit, they can reduce it to any form : Of this Stone, the Louvre, the King's Palace, is built, which is a vast Fabrick, for the Gallery wants not much of an Italian Mile in length, and will easily lodge 3000 Men ; which, some told me, was the end for which the last King made it so big, that lying at the Fag-end of this great mutinous City, if she perchance should rise, the King might pour out of the Loiwre so many thousand Men unawares into the heart of her. I am lodg'd here hard by the Bastile, because it is furthest off from those Places where the English resort ; for I would go on to get a little Language as soon as I could. In my next, I shall impart unto you what State-news France affords ; in the interim, and always, I am — Your humble Servant, J. H. Paris, 30 March 1620. XVII. To Richard Altham, ILsq. ; from Paris. Dear Sir, EVE is the Marrow of Friendship, and Letters are the Elixir of Love ; they are the best Fuel of Affection, and cast a sweeter Odour than any Frankincense can do ; such an Odour, such an Aromatic Perfume your late Letter brought with it, proceeding from the fragrancy of those dainty Flowers of Eloquence, which I found blossoming as it were in every Line ; I mean those sweet Expressions of Love and Wit, which in every Period were intermingled with so much Art, that they seem'd to contend for Mastery which was the strongest. I must confess, that you put me to hard shifts to correspond with you in such exquisite Strains and Raptures of Love, which were so lively, that I must needs judge them to proceed from the Motions, from the Diastole and Systole of a Heart truly affected ; certainly your Heart did dictate every Syllable you writ, and guided your Hand all along. Sir, give me leave to tell you, that not Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 45 not a dram, nor a dose, nor a scruple of this precious Liove of yours is lost, but is safely treasur'd up in my Breast, and answer'd in like proportion to the full : mine to you is as cordial, it is passionate and perfect, as hove can be. I thank you for the desire you have to know how it fares with me abroad : I thank God I am perfectly well, and well contented with this wandering course of life a while : I never enjoy'd my health better, but I was like to endanger it two Nights ago ; for being in some jovial Company abroad, and coming late to our Lodging, we were suddenly surprized by a Crew of Filous of Night-Rogues, who drew upon us; and as we had exchang'd some Blows, it pleas'd God the Chevalier du Guet, an Officer who goes up and down the Streets all Night a-Horseback to prevent Dis- orders, pass'd by, and, so rescu'd us; but Jack White was hurt, and I had two Thrusts in my Cloak. There's never a Night passes but some Robbing or Murder is committed in this Town ; so that it is not safe to go late anywhere, specially about the Pont-Neuf, the New-bridge, tho' Henry the Great himself lies Centinel there in Arms, upon a huge Florentine Horse, and sits bare to every one that passeth; an improper posture methinks to a King on Horseback. Not long since, one of the Secretaries of State, (whereof there are always four) having been invited to the Suburbs of St. Germains to Supper, left order with one of his Lacqueys to bring him his horse about nine ; it so happen'd that a Mischance befell the Horse, which lam'd him as he went a-watering to the Seine, insomuch that the Secretary was put to beat the Hoof himself, and foot it home; but as he was passing the Pont-Neiif with his Lacquey carrying a Torch before him, he might o'erhear a Noise of clashing of Swords, and fighting, and looking under the Torch, and perceiving they were but two, he bad his Lacquey go on; they had not made many Paces, but two armed Men with their Pistols cock'd and Swords drawn, made puffing towards them, whereof one had a Paper in his Hand, which he said he had casually took up in the Streets, and the Difference 46 Familiar Letters. Book I. Difference between them was about that Paper; therefore they desir'd the Secretary to read it, with a great deal of compliment : The Secretary took out his Spectacles and fell a reading of the said Paper, whereof the substance was, That it should he known to all Men, that whosoever did pass over that Bridge after Nine a Clock at Night in Winter, and Ten in Summer, was to leave his Cloak behind him, and in case of no Cloak, his Hat. The Secretary starting at this, one of the Comrades told him. That he thought that Paper concern'd him ; so they unmantled him of a new Plush Cloak, and my Secretary was content to go home quietly, and en cuerpo. This makes me think often of the excellent noctural Government of our City of Londo?i, where one may pass and repass securely all hours of the Night, if he gives good words to the Watch. There is a gentle calm of Peace now throughout all France, and the King intends to make a Progress to all the Frontier Towns of the Kingdom, to see how they are fortify'd. The Favourite Luines strengtheneth himself more and more in his Minionship ; but he is much murmured at, in regard the access of Suitors to him is so difficult : which made a Lord of this Land say. That three of the hardest things in the World were. To quadrate a Circle, to find out the Philo- sopher s-stone, and to speak with the Duke of Luines. I have sent you by Facandary the Post, the French Bever and Tweeses you writ for : Bever-hats are grown dearer of late, because the Jesuits have got the Monopoly of them from the King. Farewel, dear Child of Virtue, and Minion of the Muses and continue to love — Yours, J. H. Paris, I May 1620. ■• XVIII. To Sir James Crohs, from Paris. Sir, AM to set forward this Week for Spain, and if I can find no Commodity of Imbarkation at St. Malo's, I must I Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 47 must be forc'd to journey it all the way by Land, and clamber up the huge Pyreney-Hills ; but I could not bid Paris adieu, till I had convey'd my true and constant Re- spects to you by this Letter. I was yesterday to wait upon Sir Herbert Crofts at St. Germains, where I met with a French Gentleman, who, amongst other curiosities, which he pleas'd to shew me up and down Paris, brought me to that Place where the late King was slain, and to that where the Marquis of Ancre was shot; and so made me a punctual Relation of all the Circumstances of those two Acts, which in regard they were rare, and I believe two of the notablest Acci- dents that ever happen'd in France, I thought it worth the labour to make you partaker of some part of his Discourse. France, as all Christendom besides (for there was then a Truce betwixt Spain and the Hollanders) was in a profound Peace, and had continued so twenty years together, when Henry TV. fell upon some great martial Design, the Bottom whereof is not known to this day ; and being rich (for he had heap'd up in the Bastile a Mount of Gold that was as high as a Lance) he levy'd a huge Army of 40,000 Men, whence came the Song, The King of France with forty thousand Men; and upon a sudden he put this Army in per- fect Equipage, and some say he invited our Prince Henry to come to him to be a sharer in his Exploits. But going one Afternoon to the Bastile, to see his Treasure and Ammunition, his Coach stopp'd suddenly, by reason of some Colliers' and other Carts that were in that narrow Street ; whereupon one Ravillac, a Lay- Jesuit, (who had a whole twelvemonth watch'd an Opportunity to do the Act) put his Foot boldly upon one of the Wheels of the Coach, and with a long Knife stretch'd himself over their Shoulders who were in the Boot of the Coach, and reach'd the King at the end, and stabb'd him right in the left side to the Heart, and pulling out the fatal Steel, he doubled his Thrust; the King with a ruthful Voice cry'd out, Je suis lless^ (I am hurt), and suddenly the Blood issued out at his Mouth. The Regicide Villain was apprehended, and command 48 Familiar Letters. Book I. Command given that no Violence should be offer'd him, that he might be reserved for the Law, and some exquisite Torture. The Queen grew half distracted hereupon, who had been crown'd Queen of France the Day before in great Triumph ; but a few days after she had something to countervail, if not to overmatch her Sorrow : for according to St. Lewis's Law, she was made Queen-Regent of France, during the King's Minority, who was then but about ten years of Age. Many Consultations were held how to punish Ravillac, and there were some Italian Physicians that undertook to prescribe a Torment, that should last a con- stant Torment for three days; but he scap'd only with this, His Body was pull'd between four Horses, that one might hear his Bones crack, and after the Dislocation they were set again ; and so he was carry'd in a Cart standing half- naked, with a Torch in that Hand which had committed the Murder : And in the Place where the Act was done, it was cut off, and a Gauntlet of hot Oil was clap'd upon the Stump, to staunch the Blood ; whereat he gave a dole- ful Shriek. Then was he brought upon a Stage, where a new pair of Boots was provided for him, half filled with boiling Oil ; then his Body was pincer'd, and hot Oil pour'd into the Holes. In all the extremity of this Torture, he scarce shew'd any sense of Pain ; but when the Gauntlet was clap'd upon his Arm to staunch the Flux at that time of reeking Blood, he gave a Shriek only. He bore up against all these Torments about three hours before he died : All the Confession that could be drawn from him, was. That he thought to have done God good Service, to take away that King which would have emhroiVd all Christendom in an endless IVar. A fatal thing it was, that France should have three of her Kings come to such violent Deaths, in so short a revolution of time. Henry H. running at Tilt with M. Montgomery, was kill'd by a Splinter of a Lance that pierc'd his Eye : Henry HI., not long after, was kill'd by a young Friar, who, in lieu of a Letter which he pretended to have for him, pull'd Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 49 pull'd out of his long Sleeve a Knife, and thrust him into the bottom of the Belly, as he was coming from his Close- stool, and so dispatch'd him ; but that Regicide was hack'd to pieces in the Place by the Nobles. The same Destiny attended the King by Ravillac, which is become now a common Name of Reproach and Infamy in France. Never was King so much lamented as this; there are a world not only of his Pictures, but Statues up and down France; and there's scarce a Market-Town but hath him erected in the Market-place, or o'er some Gate, not upon Sign-posts, as our Henry VIII.; and by a publick Act of Parliament, which was confirmed in the Consistory at Rome, he was entitled Henry the Great, and so plac'd in the Temple of Immortality. A notable Prince he was, and of an admirable Temper of Body and Mind; he had a graceful facetious way to gain both Love and Awe : He would be never transported beyond himself with Choler, but he would pass by anything with some Repartee, some witty Strain, wherein he was excellent. I will instance in a few which were told me from a good Hand. One Day he was charg'd by the Duke of Bouillon to have chang'd his Religion : He answer'd. No, Cousin, I have chang'd no Religion, hut an Opinion : And the Cardinal of Perron being by, he enjoin'd him to write a Treatise for his Vindi- cation ; the Cardinal was long about the Work, and when the King ask'd from time to time where his Book was, he would still answer him, That he expected some Manuscripts from Rome, before he could finish it. It happen'd, that one Day the King took the Cardinal along with him to look on his Workmen and New-buildings at the Louvre ; and pass- ing by one Corner which had been a long time begun, but left unfinish'd, the King ask'd the chief Mason why that Corner was not all this while perfected ? Sir, it is because I want some choice Stones. No, no, said the King, looking upon the Cardinal, It is because thou wantest Manuscripts from Rome. Another time, the old Duke of Main, who was used to play the Droll with him, coming softly into his D Bedchamber, 50 Familiar Letters. Book I. Bedchamber, and thrusting in his bald Head, and long Neck, in a Posture to make the King merry, it happen'd the King was coming from doing his Ease ; and spying him, he took the round Cover of the Close-stool, and clap'd it on his bald Sconce, saying, Ah, Cousin, you thought once to have taken the Crown off of my Head, and wear it on your own', hut this of my Tail shall now serve your Turn. Another time, when at the Siege of Ayniens, he having sent for the Count of Solssons (who had 100,000 Franks a Year Pension from the Crown) to assist him in those Wars, and that the Count excus'd himself, by reason of his Years and Poverty, having exhausted himself in the former Wars, and all that he could do now was to pray for his Majesty, which he would do heartily : This Answer being brought to the King, he reply'd. Will my Cousin, the Cowit of Soissons, do nothing else hut pray for me ? Tell him that Prayer without Fasting is not available; therefore I will make my Cousin fast also from his Pejision 0/100,000 per An. He was once troubled with a Fit of the Gout ; and the Spanish Ambassador coming then to visit him, and saying he was sorry to see his Majesty so lame ; he answer'd. As lame as I am, if there were Occasion, your Master the King of Spain should no sooner have his Foot in the Stirrup, hut he should find me on Horseback. By these few you may guess at the Genius of this spright- ful Prince : I could make many more Instances, but then I should exceed the bounds of a Letter. When I am in Spain, you shall hear further from me; and if you can think on anything wherein I may serve you, believe it. Sir, that any Employment from you shall be welcome to — Your much obliged Servant, J. H. Jean's, 12 May, 1620. XIX. To my Brother, Dr. Howell. Brother, BEING to-morrow to part with Paris, and begin my Journey for Spain, I thought it not amiss to send vou Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 51 you this, in regard I know not when I shall have Oppor- tunity to write to you again. This Kingdom, since the young King hath taken the Sceptre into his own hands, doth flourish very much with Quietness and Commerce; nor is there any Motion, or the least tintamar of Trouble in any part of the Country, which is rare in France. 'Tis true, the Queen-Mother is discon- tented since she left her Regency, being confin'd ; and T know not what it may come to in time, for she hath a strong Party ; and the murdering of her Marquis of Ancre will yet bleed, as some fear. I was lately in Society of a Gentleman, who was a Spectator of that Tragedy ; and he was pleas'd to relate to me the Particulars of it, which was thus : When Henry IV. was slain, the Queen-Dowager took the Reins of the Government into her hands during the young King's Mi- nority ; and amongst others whom she advanc'd, Signior Conchino, a Florentine, and her Foster-Brother, was one : Her Countenance came to shine so strongly upon him, that he became her only Confident and Favourite, insomuch that she made him Marquis of Ancre, one of the twelve Mareschals of France, Governor of Normandy ; and con- ferr'd divers other Honours and Offices of Trust upon him; and who but he? The Princes of France could not endure the domineering of a Stranger ; therefore they leagu'd together to suppress him by Arms : The Queen- Regent having Intelligence hereof, surpriz'd the Prince of Condi", and clap'd him up in the Bastile ; the Duke of Main fled hereupon to Peronne in Picardy, and other great Men put themselves in an armed Posture to stand upon their guard. The young King being told, that the Marquis of Ancre was the ground of this Discontentment, commanded M. de Vilry, Captain of his Guards, to arrest him, and in case of Resistance to kill him: This Business was carry'd very closely till the next Morning, that the said Marquis was coming to the Louvre with a ruffling Train of Gallants after him ; and passing over the Drawbridge at the Court- Gate, 52 Familiar Letters. Book I Gate, Vitry stood there with the King's Guard about him ; and as the Marquis enter'd, he told him, that he had a Commission from the King to apprehend him ; therefore he demanded his Sword : The Marquis hereupon put his Hand upon his Sword, some thought to yield it up, others to make Opposition ; in the meantime Vitry discharg'd a Pistol at him, and so dispatch'd him. The King being above in his Gallery, ask'd what Noise that was below. One smilingly answer'd. Nothing, Sir, but that the Mareschal of Ancre is slain. Who slew him .-' The Captain of your Guard. Why ? Because he would have drawn his Sword at your Majesty's Royal Commission : Then the King reply'd, Vitry hath done well, and I will maintain the Act. Presently the Queen-Mother had all her Guard taken from her, except six Men and sixteen Women, and so she was banish'd Paris, and commanded to retire to Blois : Ancre s Body was bury'd that Night in a Churchyard by the Court ; but the next Morning the Lacqueys and Pages (who are more unhappy here than the Apprentices in London) broke open his Grave, tore his Coffin to pieces, rip'd the Winding-sheet, and tied his Body to an Ass's Tail, and so dragg'd him up and down the Gutters of Paris, which are none of the sweetest ; they then slic'd off his Ears, and nail'd them upon the Gates of the City ; they cut off his Genitories (and they say he was hung like an Ass) and sent them for a Present to the Duke of Main; the rest of his Body they carry'd to the New-bridge, and hung him his Heels upwards and Head downwards upon a new Gibbet, that had been set up a little before, to punish them who should speak ill of the present Government ; and it was his Chance to have the Maidenhead of it himself. His Wife was here- upon apprehended, imprison'd, and beheaded for a Witch some few days after, upon a Surmise that she had enchanted the Queen to dote so upon her Husband ; and they say the young King's Picture was found in her Closet in Virgin- wax, with one Leg melted away. A little after, a Process was form'd against the Marquis (her Husband) and so he was Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 53' was condemn'd after death. This was a right Act of a French popular Fury, which like an angry Torrent is irre- sistible ; nor can any Banks, Boundaries, or Dikes, stop the impetuous Rage of it. How the young King will prosper after so high and an unexampled Act of Violence, by beginning his Reign, and embruing the Walls of his own Court with Blood in that manner, there are divers Censures. When I am settled in Spain, you shall hear from me; in the interim, I pray let your Prayers accompany me in this long Journey ; and when you write to Wales, I pray acquaint our Friends with my Welfare. So I pray God bless us both, and send us a happy Interview. — Your loving Brother, J. H. Farts, 8 Sept. 1620. XX. To my Cousin, W. Vaughan, Esq. ; from St. Malo. Cousin, I AM now in French Britany. I went back from Paris to Rouen, and so thro' all Low Normandy, to a little Port call'd Granville, where I embark'd for this Town of St. Malo ; but I did purge so violently at Sea, that it put me into a burning Fever for some few days, whereof (I thank God) I am newly recover'd ; and finding no Opportunity of shipping here, I must be forc'd to turn my intended Sea- Voyage to a long Land-Journey. Since I came to this Province, I was curious to converse with some of the Lower Britons, who speak no other Lan- guage but our TVelsh, for their radical Words are no other; but 'tis no wonder, for they were a Colony of JVelsh at first, as the Name of this Province doth imply; as also the Latin Name Armorica, which, tho' it pass for Latin, yet it is pure Welsh, and signifies a Country bordering upon the Sea; as that Arch-Heretick was call'd Pelagius, a Pelago, his Name being Morgan. I was a little curious to peruse the 54 Familiar Letters. Book I. the Annals of this Province; and during the time that it was a Kingdom, there were four Kings of the Name Hoell, whereof one was call'd Hoell the Great. This Town of St. Malo hath one Rarity in it ; for there is here a perpetual Garison of Ejiglish, but they are of English Dogs, which are let out in the Night to guard the Ships, and eat the Carrens up and down the Streets, and so they are shut up again in the Morning. It will be now a good while before I shall have Conveni- ency to send to you, or receive from you ; howsoever, let me retain still some little room in your Memory, and some- times in your Meditations, while I carry you about me per- petually, not only in my Head, but in Heart, and make you travel all along with me thus from Town to Country, from Hill to Dale, from Sea to Land, up and down the World : And you must be contented to be subject to these uncertain Removes and Perambulations, until it shall please God to fix me again in England : nor need you, while you are thus my Concomitant thro' new Places every Day, to fear any ill Usage, as long as I fare well. — Yours '^(p'^a-ei, koI KTTjcreL, J' H. St. Malo, 25 Sept. 1620. XXI. To Sir John North, Knight ; from Rochel. Sir, I AM newly come to Rochel, nor am I sorry that I went somewhat out of my way to see this Town, not (to tell you true) out of any extraordinary love I bear to the People ; for I do not find them so gentle and debonair to Strangers, nor so hospitable as the rest of France ; but I excuse them for it, in regard it is commonly so with all Republic and Hans Towns, whereof this smells very rank : nor indeed hath any Englishman much cause to love this Town, in regard, in Ages pass'd, she play'd the most trea- cherous part with England of any other Place in France. For Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 55 For the Story tells us, That this Town having by a per- fidious Stratagem (by forging a Counterfeit Commission from England) induc'd the English Governor to make a general Muster of all his Forces out of the Town ; this being one Day done, they shut their Gates against him, and made him go shake his Ears, and to shift for his Lodging, and so render'd themselves to the French King, who sent them a Blank to write their own Conditions. I think they have the strongest Ramparts by Sea of any Place of Christendom ; nor have I seen the like in any Town of Hollaiid, whose Safety depends upon Water. I am bound To-morrow for Bourdeaux, then thro' Gascogny to Tholouse, so thro' Languedoc o'er the Hills to Spain : I go in the best Season of the Year, for I make an Autumnal Journey of it. I pray let your Prayers accompany me all along; they are the best Offices of Love, and Fruits of Friendship : So God prosper you at home, as me abroad, and send us in good time a joyful Conjuncture. — Yours, J. H. Rochel^ 8 Octob. 1620. XXII. To Mr. Tho. Porter, after Capt. Porter ; from Barcelona. MY dear Tom, I had no sooner set foot upon this Soil^ and breath'd Spanish Air, but my Thoughts pre- sently reflected upon you : Of all my Friends in England, you were the first I met here; you were the prime Object of my Speculation ; methought the very Winds in gentle Whispers did breathe out your Name, and blow it on me; you seem'd to reverberate upon me with the Beams of the Sun, which you know hath such a powerful influence, and indeed too great a Stroke in this Country. And all this you must ascribe to the Operations of Love, which hath such a strong virtual Force, that when it fastneth upon a pleas- ing Subject, its sets the Imagination in a strange Fit of working, it employs all the Faculties of the Soul, so that not 56 Familiar Letters. Book I. not one Cell in the Brain is idle; it busieth the whole inward Man, it affects the Heart, amuseth the Understanding; it quickneth the Fancy, and leads the Will as it were by a silken Thread to co-operate with 'em all : I have felt these Motions often in me, especially at this time, that my Memory fix'd upon you. But the reason that I fell first upon you in Spain was, that I remember'd I had heard you often discoursing how you have receiv'd part of your Educa- tion here, which brought you to speak the Language so exactly well. I think often of the Relations 1 have heard you make of this Country, and the good Instruction you pleas'd to give me. I am now in Barcelona, but the next Week I intend to go on thro' your Town of Falencia to Alicant, and thence you shall be sure to hear from me farther, for I make account to winter there. The Duke of Ossuna pass'd by here lately, and having got leave of Grace to release some Slaves, he went aboard the Cape Gallies, and passing thro' the Churma of Slaves, he ask'd divers of them what their Offences were: Every one excus'd himself; one saying, That he was put in out of Malice, another by Bribery of the Judge, but all of them unjustly: Amongst the rest there was one little sturdy black Man, and the Duke asking him what he was in for. Sir, said he, I cannot deny but I am justly put in here, for I wanted Money, arid so took a Purse hard by Tarragona, to keep me from starving. The Duke, with a little Staff he had in his hand, gave him two or three blows upon the Shoulders, saying, You Rogue, what do you do amongst so many honest innocent Men ? Get you gone out oj their Company : So he was freed, and the rest remain'd still in statu quo priiis, to tug at the Oar. I pray commend me to Signior Camillo, and Mazalao, with the rest of the Venetians with you ; and when you go aboard the Ship behind the Exchange, think upon — Yours, J. H. Barcelona, lo Nov. 1620. XXIII. Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 57 XXIII. To Sir James Crofts. Sir, I AM now a good way within the Body of Spain, at Barcelona, a proud wealthy City, situated upon the Mediterranean, and is the Metropolis of the Kingdom of Catalunia, call'd of old Hispania Tarraconensis. I had much ado to reach hither ; for besides the monstrous abrupt- ness of the way, these Parts of the Pyrenees that border upon the Mediterranean are never without Thieves by Land (called Bandoleros) and Pirates on the Sea-side, which lie sculking in the hollows of the Rocks, and often surprise Passengers unawares, and carry them Slaves to Barhary on the other side. The safest way to pass, is to take a Bordon in the Habit of a Pilgrim, whereof there are abundance that perform their Vows this way to the Lady of Monserrat, one of the prime Places of Pilgrimage in Christendom : It is a stupendous Monastery, built on the top of a huge Land-Rock, whither it is impossible to go up, or come down by a direct way, but a Path is cut out full of Windings and Turnings ; and on the Crown of this Craggy-hill there is a Flat, upon which the Monastery and Pilgrimage place is founded, where there is a Picture of the Virgin Mary Sun- burnt, and tann'd, it seems when she went to Egypt ; and to this Picture, a marvellous confluence of People, from all Parts of Europe, resort. As I pass'd between some of the Pyreney- Hills, I per- ceiv'd the poor Lahradors, some of the Country People, live no better than brute Animals, in point of Food ; for their ordinary Commons is Grass and Water, only they have always within their Houses a Bottle of Vinegar, and another of Oil; and when Dinner or Supper-time comes, they go abroad and gather their Herds, and so cast Vinegar and Oil upon them, and will pass thus two or three Days with- out Bread or Wine ; yet they are strong lusty Men, and will stand stiffly under a Musket. There 58 Familiar Letters. Book I. There is a Tradition, that there were divers Mines of Gold in Ages past amongst those Mountains : And the Shepherds that kept Goats then, having made a small Fire of Rosemary-stubs, with other combustible Stuff to warm themselves, this Fire graz'd along, and grew so outrageous, that it consum'd the very Entrails of the Earth, and melted those Mines ; which, growing fluid by Liquefaction, ran down into the small Rivulets that were in the Vallies, and so carry'd all into the Sea, that monstrous Gulph which swal- loweth all, but seldom disgorgeth anything: and in these Brooks to this Day some small Grains of Gold are found. The Viceroy of this Country hath taken much pains to clear these Hills of Robbers, and there hath been a notable Havock made of them this Year ; for in divers Woods, as I passed, I might spy some Trees laden with dead Carcasses, a better Fruit far than Diogenes's Tree bore, whereon a Woman had hang'd herself; which the Cynic cry'd out to be the best bearing Tree that ever he saw. In this Place there lives neither English Merchant or Factor; which I wonder at, considering that it is a mari- time Town, and one of the greatest in Spain, her chiefest Arsenal for Gallies, and the Scale by which she conveys her Monies to Italy : But I believe the Reason is, that there is no commodious Port here for Ships of any Burden, but a large Bay. I will enlarge myself no farther at this time, but leave you to the Guard and Guidance of God, whose sweet Hand of Protection hath brought me thro' so many uncouth Places and Difficulties to this Citv. So, hoping to meet your Letters in ALicant, where I shall anchor a good while, I rest — Yours to dispose of, J. H. Barcelona, 24 JVov. 1620. XXIV. To Dr. Fr. Mansel, yrom Valentia. Sir, THO' it be the same glorious Sun that shines upon you in England which illuminates also this Part of the Hemisphere ; Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 59 Hemisphere j tho' it be the Sun that ripeneth your Pippins, and our Pomgranets; your Hops, and our Vineyards here; yet he dispenseth his Heat in different Degrees of Strength: those Rays that do but warm you in England, do half roast us here; those Beams that irradiate only, and gild your Honeysuckle Fields, do scorch and parch this chinky gaping Soil, and so put too many Wrinkles upon the Face of our common Mother the Earth. O blessed Clime, O happy England, where there is such a rare temperature of Heat and Cold, and all the rest of elementary Qualities, that one may pass (and suffer little) all the year long, without either Shade in Summer, or Fire in Winter. I am now in Valentia, one of the noblest Cities in all Spain, situate in a large Vega or Valley, above sixty miles compass : here are the strongest Silks, the sweetest Wines, the excellentest Almonds, the best Oils, and beautiful'st Females of all Spain, for the prime Courtesans in Madrid and elsewhere are had hence. The very brute Animals make themselves Beds of Rosemary, and other fragrant Flowers hereabouts ; and when one is at Sea, if the Wind blow from the Shore, he may smell this Soil before he come in sight of it, many Leagues off", by the strong odoriferous Scent it casts. As it is the most pleasant, so it is also the temperat'st Clime of all Spain; and they commonly call it the second Italy, which made the Moors, whereof many thousands were disterr'd and banish'd hence to Barbary, to think that Paradise was in that part of the Heavens which hung over this City. Some twelve miles off" is old Sagunto, call'd now Morviedre, thro' which I pass'd, and saw many Monuments of Roman Antiquities there; amongst others, there is the Temple dedicated to Venus, when the Snake came about her Neck, a little before Hanibal came thither. No more now, but that I heartily wish you were here with me, and I believe you would not desire to be a good while in England. So I am — Yours, J. H. Valentia, i March 1620. XXV. 6o Familiar Letters. Book /. I XXV. To Christopher Jones, l^sq., at Gray's-Inn. AM now (thanks be to God) come to Jlicant, the chief Rendezvouz I aim'd at in Spain; for I am to send hence a Commodity call'd Barillia to Sir Robert Mansel, for making of Crystal Glass ; and I have treated with Signior Andriotti, a Genoa Merchant, for a good round parcel of it, to the value of 2000Z. by Letters of Credit from Master Richant ; and upon his Credit, I might have taken many thousand Pounds more, he is so well known in the Kingdom of Valentia. This Barillia is a strange kind of Vegetable, and it grows nowhere upon the Surface of the Earth in that Perfection as here : The Venetians have it hence, and it is a Commodity whereby this Maritime Town doth partly subsist; for it is an Ingredient that goes to the making of the best Castile Soap. It grows thus, 'Tis a round thick earthy Shrub that bears Berries like Barberries, betwixt blue and green ; it lies close to the Ground, and when it is ripe they dig it up by the Roots, and put it together in Cocks, where they leave it to dry many days like Hay ; then they make a Pit of a Fathom deep in the Earth, and with an Instrument like one of our Prongs, they take the Tuffs and put fire to them, and when the Flame comes to the Berries, they melt and dissolve into an Azure Liquor, and fall down into the Pit till it be full; then they dam it up, and some days after they open it, and find this Barillia Juice turn'd to a blue Stone, so hard, that it is scarce malleable ; it is sold at one hundred Crowns a Tun, but I had it for less. There is also a spurious Flower call'd Gazull, that grows here, but the Glass that's made of that is not so resplendent and clear. I have been here now these three Months, and most of my Food hath been Grapes and Bread, with other Roots, which have made me so fat, that I think, if you saw me, you would hardly know me, such Nutriture this deep sanguine Alicant Grape gives. I Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 6i I have not received a Syllable from you since I was in Antwerp^ which transforms me to wonder, and engenders odd thoughts of Jealousy in me, that as my Body grows fatter, your Love grows lanker towards me. I pray take off these Scruples, and let me hear from you, else it will make a Schism in Friendship, which I hold to be a very holy League, and no less than a Piacle to infringe it; in which Opinion I rest — Your constant Friend, J. H. Alicant, 27 Mar. 1621. XXVL To Sir John North, Knight. Sir, HAVING endur'd the Brunt of a whole Summer in Spain, and try'd the Temper of all the other three Seasons of the Year, up and down the Kingdoms of Cata- lonia, Falentia, and Marcia, with some parts of Aragon, I am now to direct my course for Italy : I hop'd to have embark'd at Cartkagena, the best Port upon the Mediter- ranean; for what Ships and Gallies get in thither, are shut up as it were in a Box from the violence and injury of all Weathers ; which made Andrea Doria, being ask'd by Philip II. which were his best Harbours? he answer'd, June., July, and Carthagena ; meaning that any Port is good in those two Months, but Carthagena was good any time of the year. There was a most ruthful Accident had happened there a little before I came: For whereas five Ships had gone thence laden with Soldiers for Naples, amongst whom there was the Flower of the Gentry of the Kingdom of Mercia; those Ships had hardly sail'd three Leagues, but they met with sixteen Sail of Algier Men of War, who had lay skulking in the Creeks thereabout; and they had the Winds and all things else so favourable, that of those five Ships they took one, sunk another, and burnt a third, and two fled back safe to Harbour. The Report hereof being bruited up and down the Country, the Gentle- women 62 Familiar Letters. Book I. women came from the Country to have Tidings, some of their Children, others of their Brothers and Kindred, and went tearing their Hair, and houling up and down the Streets in a most piteous Manner. The Admiral of those five Ships, as I heard afterwards, was sent for to Madrid, and hang'd at the Court-Gate, because he did not fight. Had I come time enough to have taken the Opportunity, I might have been made either Food for Haddocks, or turn'd to Cinders, or have been by this time a Slave in the Bannier at yllgier, or tugging at an Oar ; but I hope God hath reserved me for a better Destiny : So I came back to Alicant, where I lighted upon a lusty Dutchman, who hath carried me safe hither, but we were near upon forty Days in Voyage : we pass'd by Majorca and Minorca, the Baleares Insulce, by some Ports of Barhary, by Sardinia, Corsica, and all the Islands of the Mediterranean Sea. We were at the Mouth of Tyler, and thence fetch'd our Course for Sicily; we pass'd by those sulphureous fiery Islands, Mongihel and Stromholo ; and about the Dawn of the Day we shot thro' Scylla and Charyhdis, and so into the Phare of Messina; thence we touch'd upon some of the Greek Islands, and so came to our first intended Course, into the Venetian Gulph, and are now here at Malamocco, where we remain yet aboard, and must be content to be so, to make up the Month before we have pratic, that is, before any be permitted to go ashore, and negotiate, in regard we touch'd at some infected Places : For there are no People so fearful of the Plague as the Italians, especially the Venetians, tho' their Neighbours the Greeks hard by, and the Turks, have little or no Apprehension at all of the Danger of it ; for they will visit and commerce with the Sick without any Scruple, and will fix their longest Finger in the Midst of their Forehead, and say. Their Destiny and Manner of Death is pointed there. When we have gain'd yon Maiden City, which lieth before us, you shall hear farther from me: So leaving you to His holy Protection, who hath thus graciously vouchsafed to preserve this Ship / Sect I. Familiar Letters. 63 Ship, and me, in so long and dangerous a Voyage, I rest — Yours, ' J. H. Malamocco, 30 April 1621. XXVII. To my Brother, Dr. HoweW^Jrom on Shiphoard before Venice. Brother, IF this Letter fail either in point of Orthography or Style, you must impute the first to the tumbling Posture my Body was in at the writing hereof, being a Shipboard; the second the muddiness of my Brain, which, like Lees in a narrow Vessel, hath been shaken at Sea in divers Tempests near upon forty Days — I mean natural Days, which include the Nights also, and are compos'd of twenty-four hours, by which number the Italian computes his Time, and tells the Clock; for at the writing hereof, I heard one from Mala- mocco strike twenty-one hours. When I shall have saluted yonder Virgin City that stands before me, and hath tanta- liz'd me now this Sennight, I hope to cheer my Spirits, and settle my Pericranium again. In this Voyage we pass'd thro', at least touch'd, all those Seas which Horace and other Poets sing of so often, as the Ionian, the j^gean, the Icarian, the Tyrrhene, with others; and now we are in the Adrian Sea, in the Mouth whereof Venice stands, like a gold Ring in a Bear's Muzzle. We pass'd also by j^tna, by the hifames Scopulos, Acroceraunia, and thro' Scylla and Charybdis, about which the ancient Poets, both Greek and Latin, keep such a Coil ; but they are nothing so horrid or dangerous as they make them to be; they are two white keen-pointed Rocks that lie under Water diametrically oppos'd, and like two Dragons defying one another ; and there are Pilots, that in small Shallops are ready to steer all Ships that pass. This, amongst divers others, may serve for an instance, that the old Poets used to heighten and hoise up things by their airy fancies, above the reality of truth, j^tna was very furious when we pass'd by. 64 Familiar Letters. Book I. by, as she useth to be sometimes more than other, especially when the Wind is southward, for then she is more subject to belching out flakes of Fire (as Stutterers use to stammer more when the Wind is in that Hole). Some of the Sparkles fell aboard us ; but they would make us believe in Syracusa, now Messina, that JEt7ia in times past hath eructated such huge gobbets of Fire, that the sparks of them have burnt Houses in Malta above fifty miles off, transported thither by a direct strong Wind. We pass'd hard by Corinth, now Ragusa; but I was not so happy as to touch there, for you know : JVon cuivts homini contingit adire Corinthiim. I convers'd with many Greeks, but found none that could understand, much less practically speak, any of the old Dialects of the pristine Greek, it is so adulterated by the Vulgar, as a Bed of Flowers by Weeds ; nor is there any People, either in the Island or on the Continent, that speaks it conversably : yet there are in the Morea seven Parishes call'd Zacones, where the original Greek is not much degenerated, but they confound divers Letters of the Alphabet with one Sound ; for in point of Pronunciation, there is no difference betwixt Upsilon, Iota, and Eta. The last I receiv'd from you was in Latin, whereof I sent you an Answer from Spain in the same Language, tho' in a coarser Dialect. I shall be a Guest to Fenice a good while; therefore I desire a frequency of Correspondence between us by Letters, for there will be Conveniency every Week of receiving and sending. When you write to Wales, I pray send Advice that I am come safe to Italy, tho' not landed there yet. So, my dear Brother, I pray God bless us both, and all our Friends, and reserve me to see you again with Comfort, and you me, who am — Your loving Brother, J. H. 5 May 162 1. XXVHL SecL I. Familiar Letters. 65 xxviir. To the Honouralle Sir Robert Mansell, Vice-Admiral of England ; from Venice. Sir, AS soon as I came to Venice, I apply'd myself to dis- jr\. patch your Business according to Instructions, and Mr. Seymor was ready to contribute his best furtherance. These two Italians, who are the Bearers hereof, by report here, are the best Gentlemen-workmen that ever blew Crystal ; one is ally'd to Antonio Miotti, the other is Cousin to Mazalao : for other things they shall be sent in the Ship Lion, which rides here at Malamocco, as I shall send you account by conveyance of Mr. Symns. Herewith I have sent a Letter to you from Sir Henry Wotton, the Lord Ambassador here, of whom I have receiv'd some Favours : He wish'd me to write, that you have now a double Interest in him ; for whereas before he was only your Servant, he is now your Kinsman by your late Marriage. I was lately to see the Arsenal of Venice, one of the worthiest things in Christendom ; they say there are as many Gallies and Galeasses of all sorts, belonging to St. Mark, either in Course, at Anchor, in Dock, or upon the Careen, as there be days in the year : here they can build a compleat Galley in half a day, and put her afloat in perfect Equipage, having all the Ingredients fitted before- hand; as they did in three hours, when Henry III. pass'd this way to France from Poland, who wish'd, that besides Paris, and his Parliament Towns, he had this Arsenal in ex- change for three of his chiefest Cities. There are 300 People perpetually here at work ; and if one comes young, and grows old in St. Mark's Service, he hath a Pension from the State during Life. Being brought to see one of the Clarissimos that govern this Arsenal, this huge Sea Store- house, among other matters reflecting upon England, he was saying, That if Cavaglier Don Roberto Mansel were E here, 66 Familiar Letters. Book I. here, he thought verily the RepubHc would make a Proffer to him to be Admiral of that Fleet of Gallies and Galeons, which are now going against the Duke of Ossuna, and the Forces of Naples, you are so well known here. I was, since I came hither, in Murano, a little Island about the distance of Lambeth from London, where Crystal- Glass is made; and 'tis a rare sight to see a whole Street, where on the one side there are twenty Furnaces together at work. They say here. That altho' one should transplant a Glass-Furnace from Murano to Venice herself, or to any of the little Assembly of Islands about her, or to any other r part of the Earth besides, and use the same Materials, the I same Workmen, the same Fuel, the self-same Ingredients every way, yet they cannot make Crystal-Glass in that perfection, for beauty and lustre, as in Murano : Some im- pute it to the quality of the circumambient Air that hangs o'er the Place, which is purify'd and attenuated by the concurrence of so many Fires that are in those Furnaces Night and Day perpetually, for they are like the Vestal-fire, which never goes out. And it is well known, that some Airs make more qualifying Impressions than others; as a Greek told me in Sicily of the Air of Egypt, where there be huge common Furnaces to hatch Eggs by the thousands in Camels' Dung : for during the time of hatching, if the Air happen to come to be overcast, and grow cloudy, it spoils all ; if the Sky continue still, serene and clear, not one Egg in an hundred will miscarry. I met with Camillo, your Consaorman, here lately ; and could he be sure of Entertainment, he would return to serve you again, and I believe for less Salary. I shall attend your Commands herein by the next, and touching other Particulars, whereof I have written to Capt. Bacon: So I rest — Your most humble and ready Servant, J.H. Venice, 30 May 1621. XXIX. Sect, I. Familiar Letters. 67 XXIX. To my Brother^yrom Venice. Brother, I FOUND a Letter of yours that had lain dormant here a good while in Mr. Symri& hands, to welcome me to Venice, and I thank you for the variety of News wherewith she went freighted ; for she was to me as a Ship richly laden from London useth to be to our Merchants here, and I esteem her Cargazon at no less a Value, for she enrich'd me with the Knowledge of my Father's Health, and your own, with the rest of my Brothers and Sisters in the Countr)^, with divers other Passages of Contentment : be- sides, she went also ballasted with your good Instructions, which as Merchants use to do of their Commodities, I will turn to the best Advantage, and Italy is no ill Market to improve anything. The only Procede (that I may use the Mercantile Term) you can expect is Thanks, and this way shall not be wanting to make you rich Returns. Since I came to this Town, I dispatched sundry Businesses of good value for Sir Robert Mansel, which I hope will give content. The Art of Glass-making here is very highly valued ; for whosoever be of that Profession are Gentlemen ipso facto, and it is not without reason, it being a rare kind of Knowledge and Chymistry to transmute Dust and Sand (for they are the only main Ingredients) to such a diaphanous pellucid dainty Body as you see a Crystal-Glass is, which hath this Property above Gold or Silver, or any other Mineral, to admit no Poison ; as also that it never wastes or loses a whit of its first weight, tho' you use it never so long. When I saw so many sorts of curious Glasses made here, I thought upon the Compliment which a Gentleman put upon a Lady in England, who having five or six comely Daughters, said. He never saw in his life such a dainty Clip- board of Crystal Glasses. The Compliment proceeds, it seems, from a Saying they have here. That the first hand- some IVoman that ever was made, was made of Venice Glass ; 68 Familiar Letters. Book I. Glass; which implies Beauty, but Brittleness withal (and Venice is not unfurnish'd with some of that Mould, for no place abounds more with Lasses and Glasses) ; but consider- ing the Brittleness of the Stuff, it was an odd kind of melancholy in him that could not be persuaded but he was an Urinal, surely he deserved to be piss'd in the Mouth. But when I pry'd into the Materials, and observ'd the Furnaces and Calcinations, the Transubstantiations, the Liquefactions that are incident to this Art, my Thoughts were rais'd to a higher Speculation ; that if this small Furnace-fire hath vertue to convert such a small lump of dark Dust and Sand into such a precious clear Body as Crystal, surely that grand Universal Fire which shall happen at the Day of Judgment, may by its violent ardor vitrify and turn to one lump of Crystal the whole Body of the Earth ; nor am I the first that fell upon this Conceit. I will enlarge my self no further to you at this time, but conclude with this Tetraslic, which my Brain ran upon in my Bed this Morning. Vitrea sunt nostrce commissa negotia cures. Hoc oculis Speculum mittimus ergo tuis : Quod Speculum ? est itistar Speculi mea litera, per quod Vivida f rater ni cordis imago nitet. Adieu, my dear Brother, live happily, and love — Your Brother, ' J. H. Ven., \ Ju7ie 1621. XXX. To Mr. Richard Altham, at Gray's-Inn ; from Venice. Gentle Sir, •O dulcior illo I Mille quod in ceris Attica ponit Apts. O thou that dost in sweetness far excel Thatfuice the Attic Bee stores in her Cell. My Dear Dick, HAVE now a good while since taken footing in Venice, this admired Maiden-City, so call'd, because she was never Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 69 never defloured by any Enemy since she had a Being, not since her Rialto was first erected, which is now above twelve Ages ago. I protest to you, at my first landing I was for some days ravished with the high Beauty of this Maid, with her lovely Countenance. I admired her magnificent Buildings, her marvellous Situation, her dainty smooth neat Streets, whereon you may walk most days in the year in a Silk Stockin and Sattin-Slippers, without soiling them ; nor can the Streets of Paris be so foul as these are fair. This beau- teous Maid hath been often attempted to be vitiated; some have courted her, some hrihed her, some would ha.vtforc'd her, yet she hath still preserv'd her Chastity entire: and tho' she hath lived so many Ages, and passed so many shrewd brunts, yet she continueth fresh to this very day without the least Wrinkle of old Age, or any symptoms of Decay, whereunto political Bodies, as well as natural, use to be liable. Beside, she hath wrestled with the greatest Poten- tates upon Earth ; the Emperor, the King of France, and most of the other Princes of Christendom, in that famous League of Cambray, would have sunk her; but she bore up still within her Lakes, and broke that League to pieces by her Wit : The Grand Turk hath been often at her, and tho' he could not have his will of her, yet he took away the richest Jewel she wore in her Coronety and put it in his Turban; I mean the Kingdom of Cyprus, the only Royal Gem she had ; he hath set upon her Skirts often since, and tho' she clos'd with him sometimes, yet she came off still with her Maidenhead ; tho' some that envy her happiness would brand her to be of late times a kind of Concubine to him, and that she gives him ready Money once a year to lie with her, which she minceth by the name of Present, tho' it be indeed rather a Tribute. I would I had you here with a wish, and you would not desire in haste to be at Gray's-Inn, tho' I hold your Walks to be the pleasant'st place about London, and that you have there the choicest Society. I pray present my kind Com- mendations 70 Familiar Letters. Book I. mendations to all there, and Service at Bisliopsgate-street, and let me hear from you by the next Post. So I am — Intirely yours, J. H. V^n., $/une 162 1. XXXI. To Dr. Fr. Mansell, yVom Venice. /"^ IVE me leave to salute you first in these Sapphics : Insulam tendens iter ad Britannam Charter, de paucis volo, sisie gressum, Verba Mansello, bene noscis illum^ talia perfer. Finibus lo7ige patriis Hoellus Dimorans, quantis Venetum superba Civitas leucis Doroberniensi distat ab urbe ; Plurimam mentis tibi vult salute?n, Pluritnum cordis tibi vult vigorem, Plurimum sortis tibi vult favorem Regis 6^ Aula;. These Wishes come to you from Venice, a place where there is nothing wanting that heart can wish : Renowned Venice, the admiredst City in the World ; a City that all Europe is bound unto, for she is her greatest Rampart against that huge Eastern Tyrant the Turk by Sea, else I believe he had over-run all Christendom by this time. Against him this City hath perform'd notable Exploits, and not only against him, but divers others. She hath restored Emperors to their Thrones, and Popes to their Chairs, and with her GalHes often preserved St. Peter's Bark from sink- ing: for which, by way of Reward, one of her Successors espous'd her to the Sea; which Marriage is solemnly renew'd every year in solemn Procession by the Doge and all the Clarissimos, and a Gold Ring cast into the Sea out of the great Galeass call'd the Bucentoro, wherein the first Ceremony was perform'd by the Pope himself above three hundred Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 71 hundred years since; and they say it is the self-same Vessel still, tho' often put upon the Careen and trimm'd. This made me think on that famous Ship at Athens; nay, I fell upon an abstracted Notion in Philosophy, and a Speculation touching the Body of Man, which being in perpetual flux, and a kind of succession of decays, and consequently requir- ing ever and anon a restoration of what it loseth of the virtue of the former aliment, and what was converted after the third concoction into blood and fleshly substance, which, as in all other sublunary Bodies that have internal Principles of heat, useth to transpire, breathe out, and waste away thro' invisible pores, by exercise, motion and sleep, to make room still for a supply of new Nouriture ; fell, I say, to con- sider whether our Bodies may be said to be of like condition with this Bucentoro ; which, tho' it be reputed still the same Vessel, yet I believe there's not a foot of that Timber re- maining which it had upon the first Dock, having been, as they tell me, so often plank'd and ribb'd, caulk'd and piec'd : In like manner, our Bodies may be said to be daily repair'd by new Sustenance, which begets new Blood, and conse- quently new Spirits, new Humours, and I may say new Flesh, the old by continual deperdition and insensible trans- pirations evaporating still out of us, and giving way to fresh ; so that I make a question, whether by reason of these perpetual preparations and accretions, the Body of Man may be said to be the same numerical Body in his old Age that he had in his Manhood, or the same in his Man- hood that he had in his Youth, the same in his Youth that he carried about him in his Childhood, or the same in his Childhood which he wore first in the Womb ; I make a doubt, whether I had the same identical individually nume- rical Body, when I carried a Calf-leather Sachel to School in Hereford, as when I wore a Lambskin Hood in Oxford; or whether I have the same Mass of Blood in my Veins, and the same Flesh now in Venice, which I carry'd about me three years since up and down London Streets, having, in lieu of Beer and Ale, drunk Wine all this while, and fed upon 72 Familiar Letters. Book I. upon different Viands. Now the Stomach is Hke a Crucible, for it hath a chymical kind of Vertue to transmute one Body into another, to transubstantiate Fish and Fruits into Flesh within, and about us : but tho' it be questionable whether I wear the same Flesh which is fluxible, I am sure my Hair is not the same ; for you may remember I went flaxen-hair'd out of E?igla?id, but you shall find me return'd with a very dark brown, which I impute not only to the Heat and Air of those hot Countries I have eaten my Bread in, but to the quality and difference of Food. But you will say that Hair is but an excrementitious thing, and makes not to this purpose; moreover, methinks I hear you say, that this may be true, only in the blood and spirits of such fluid Parts, not in the solid and heterogeneal Parts. But I will press no further at this time this philosophical notion, which the fight of Bucentoro infus'd into me, for it hath already made me exceed the bounds of a Letter, and I fear to tres- pass too much upon your patience : I leave the further dis- quisition of this point to your own Contemplations, who are a far riper Philosopher than I, and have waded deeper into, and drank more of, Aristotle^ sV^tW. But, to conclude, tho' it be doubtful whether I carry about me the same Body or no in all points that I had in England, I am well assur'd I bear still the same Mind, and therein I verify the old Verse : Caelum non anitnam mutant qui trans nmre currunt. T/ie Air but not the Mind they change, Who in Outlandish Countries range. For what Alterations soever happen in this Microcosm, in this little World, this small bulk and body of mine, you may be confident that nothing shall alter my Affections, specially towards you, but that I will persevere still the same — The very same, J. H. Ven., 2^ Jun. 162 1. xxxn. Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 73 XXXII. To Richard Altham, £59. Dear Sir, I WAS plung'd in a deep Fit of melancholy, Saturn had cast his black Influence o'er all my Intellectuals, me- thought I felt my heart as a lump of dough, and heavy as lead within my Breast; when a Letter of yours of the 3rd of this Month was brought me, which presently begot new Spirits within me, and inade such strong Impressions upon my Intellectuals, that it turn'd and transform'd me into another Man. I have read of a Duke of Milan and others, who were poisoned by reading of a Letter; but yours pro- duced contrary Effects in me, it became an Antidote, or rather a most sovereign Cordial to me, more operative than Bezoar, of more Virtue than potable Gold, or the Elixir of Amber, for it wrought a sudden Cure upon me: That fluent and rare Mixture of Love and Wit, which I found up and down therein, were the Ingredients of this Cordial ; they were as so many choice Flowers strew'd here and there, which did cast such an odoriferous Scent, that they reviv'd all my Senses and dispell'd those dull Fumes which had formerly o'er-clouded my Brain : Such was the Operation of your most ingenious and affectionate Letter, and so sweet an Entertainment it gave me. If your Letter had that Virtue, what would your Person have done ? and did you know all, you would wish your Person here a-while ; did you know the rare beauty of this Virgin City, you would quickly make love to her, and change your Royal Exchange for the Rialto, and your Grayh-Imi-JValks for St. Marks- Place for a time. Farewell, dear Child of Vertue, and Minion of the Muses ; and love still — Yours, J. H. Ven., I Jtily 1621. XXXIII. 74 Familiar Letters. Book I. XXXTII. To my 'much honoured Friend, Sir John North, Knight. Noble Sir, THE first Office of Gratitude is, to receive a good Turn civilly, then to retain it in Memory, and acknowledge it; thirdly, to endeavour a Requital; for this last Office, it is in vain for me to attempt it ; especially towards you, who have laden me with such a Variety of Courtesies and weighty Favours, that my poor Stock comes far short of any Retaliation : but for the other two. Reception and Retention, as I am not conscious to have been wanting in the first Act, so I shall never fail in the second, because both these are within the Compass of my Power; for if you could pry into my Memory, you should discover there a huge Magazine of your Favours you have been pleased to do me, present and absent, safely stored up and coacervated, to preserve them from mouldering away in Oblivion ; for Courtesies should he no perishable Commodity. Should I at- tempt any other Requital, I should extenuate your Favours, and derogate from the Worth of them ; yet if to this of the Memory I can contribute any other act of Body or Mind, to enlarge my acknowledgments towards you, you may be well assur'd that T shall be ever ready to court any Occasion whereby the World may know how much I am — Your thankful Servitor, J. H. Ven., T^/iily 162 1. XXXIV. To Dan. Caldwall, Esq. ; from Venice. , My dear Dan, COULD Letters fly with the same Wings as Love useth to do, and cut the Air with the like swiftness of motion, this Letter of mine should work a Miracle, and be with you in an instant ; nor should she fear interception or anv Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 75 any other casualty in the way, or cost you one penny the Post, for she should pass invisibly : But 'tis not fitting, that Paper, which is made but of old Rags, wherewith Letters are swaddled, should have the same privilege as Love,' which is a spiritual thing, having something of Divinity in it, and partakes in celerity with the Imagination, than which there is not anything more swift, you know, no not the motion of the upper Sphere, the primum mobile, which snatcheth all the other nine after, and indeed the whole Macrocosm, all the World besides, except our Earth (the Center), which upper Sphere the Astronomers would have to move so many degrees, so many thousand miles in a moment. Since then Letters are deny'd such a velocity, I allow this of mine twenty days, which is the ordinary time allow'd betwixt Venice and London, to come unto you, and thank you a thousand times over for your last of the tenth of June, and the rich Venison Feast you made, as I understand not long since, to the remembrance of me, at the Ship Tavern : Believe it. Sir, you shall find that this Love of yours is not ill employ'd, for I esteem it at the highest degree, I value it more than the Treasury of St. Mark, which I lately saw, where among other things there is a huge Iron Chest as tall as myself that hath no Lock, but a Crevice thro' which they cast in the Gold that's bequeathed to St. Mark in Legacies, whereon there is engraven this proud Motto : Quando quest scrinio S^apria, 2'uttdl viundo tremera. When this Chest shall open, the whole World shall tremble. The Duke of Ossuna, late Vice-Roy of Naples, did what he could to force them to open it, for he brought St. Mark to waste much of this Treasure in the late Wars, which he made purposely to that end ; which made them have recGurse to us, and the Hollander, for Ships, not long since. Among the rest of Itahj, this is call'd the Maiden City (notwithstanding 76 Familiar Letters. Book I. (notwithstanding her great number of Courtesans), and there is a Prophecy, That she should continue a Maid until her Husband forsake her, meaning the Sea, to whom the Pope marry'd her long since ; and the Sea is observ'd not to love her so deeply as he did, for he begins to shrink, and grows shallower in some places about her : nor doth the Pope also, who was the Father that gave her to the Sea, affect her so much as he formerly did, specially since the extermination of the Jesuits : so that both Hushand and Father begin to abandon her. I am to be a Guest to this Hospital Maid a good while yet, and if you want any Commodity that she can afford (and what cannot she afford for human pleasure or delight ?) do but write, and it shall be sent you. Farewell, gentle soul, and correspond still in pure love with — Yours, J. H, Ven., 2^ July 1621. XXXV. To Sir James Crofts, Knight ; from Venice. Sir, IRECEIV'D one of yours the last Week, that came in my Lord Ambassador Wotion's Packet; and being now upon point of parting with Venice, I could not do it without acquainting you (as far as the extent of a Letter will permit) with her Power, her Policy, her Wealth and Pedigree. She was built out of the Ruins of ^quileia and Padua; for when those swarms of tough northern People over- ran Italy, under the Conduct of that Scourge of Heaven, Attila, with others, and that this soft voluptuous Nation, after so long a desuetude from Arms, could not repel their Fury, many of the ancient Nobility and Gentry fled into these Lakes and little Islands, amongst the Fishermen, for their Security; and finding the Air good and commodious for Habitation, they began to build upon those small Islands, whereof there are in all sixty; and in tract of time, they conjoin'd Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 'jj conjoin'd and leagu'd them together by Bridges, whereof there are now above 800 ; and this makes up the City of Venice, who is now above twelve Ages old, and was contemporary with the Monarchy of France: But the Signory glorieth in one thing above the Monarchy, that she was born a Chris- tian, but the Monarchy not. Tho' this City be thus hem'd in with the Sea, yet she spreads her Wings far and wide upon the Shore; she hath in Lombardy six considerable Towns, Padua, Ferona, Vicenza, Brescia, Crema, and Bergamo ; she hath in the Marquisat, Bassan and Castelfranco ; she hath all Friuli and Istria ; she commands the Shores of Dalmatia and Sclavonia ; she keeps under the Power of St. Mark the Islands of Corfu (anciently Corcyra) Cephalonia, Zant, Cerigo, Lucerigo, and Candy {/ove's Cradle) ; she had a long time the Kingdom of Cyprus, but it was quite rent from her by the Turk : which made that high-spirited Bassa, being taken Prisoner at the Battle of Lepanto, where the Grand Signior lost above 200 Gallies, to say, That that Defeat to his great Master was hut like the shaving of his Beard, or the paring of his Nails ; hut the taking of Cyprus was like the cutting off of a Limb, which will never grow again. This mighty Potentate being so near a Neighbour to her, she is forced to comply with him, and give him an annual Present in Gold : She hath about 30 Gallies most part of the Year in course to scour and secure the Gulph ; she entertains by Land, in Lombardy, and other Parts, 25,000 Foot, besides some of the Cantons of Suisses, whom she gives Pay to; she hath also in constant Pay 600 Men of Arms, and every of these must keep two Horses a-piece, for which they are allowed 120 Ducats a Year, and they are for the most part Gentlemen of Lombardy. When they have any great Expedition to make, they have always a Stranger for their General, but he is supervised by two Proveditors, without whom he cannot attempt anything. . Her great Council consists of above 2000 Gentlemen, and some of them meet every Sunday and Holiday to chuse Officers and Magistrates; and every Gentleman being past 35 yS Familiar Letters. Book I. 35 Years of Age, is capable to sit in this Council. The Doge, or Duke (their Sovereign Magistrate), is chosen by Lots, which would be too tedious here to demonstrate; and com- monly he is an aged Man, who is created like that Course they hold in the Popedom. When he is dead, there be Inquisitors that examine his Actions, and his Misde- meanours are punishable in his Heirs : There is a Surinten- dent Council of Ten, and six of them may dispatch Business without the Doge : but the Doge never without some of them, not as much as open a Letter from any foreign State, tho' address'd to himself; which makes him to be called by other Princes, Testa di legno, A Head of Wood. The Wealth of this Repuhlick hath been at a stand, or rather declining, since the Portugal found a Road to the East-Indies, by the Cape of Good-Hope ; for this City was used to fetch all those Spices and other Indian Commodities from Grand Cairo down the Nile, being formerly carried to Cairo from the Red Sea upon Camels' and Dromedaries' Backs, sixty Days' Journey : And so Venice us'd to dispense those Commodities thro' all Christendom, which not only the Portugal, but the English and Hollander now transport, and are Masters of the Trade. Yet there is no outward Appear- ance at all of Poverty, or any Decay in this City; but she is still gay, flourishing, and fresh, and flowing with all kind of Bravery and Delight, which may be had at cheap Rates. Much more might be written of this antient wise Republic, which cannot be comprehended within the narrow Inclosure of a Letter. So, with my due and daily Prayers for a Con- tinuance of your Health, and Increase of Honour, I rest — Your most humble and ready Servitor, J. H. Ven., I Aug. 1621. XXXVL To Robert Brown, Esq., at the Middle-Temple ; from Venice. Robin, I HAVE now enough of the Maiden- City, and this Week am to go further into Italy : for tho' I have been a good while Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 79 while in Venice, yet I cannot say I have been hitherto upon the Continent oi Italy ; for this City is nought else but a Knot of Islands in the Adriatic Sea, join'd in one Body by Bridges, and a good way distant from the firm Land, I have lighted upon very choice Company, your Cousin Brown and Master IVeb ; and we all take the Road of Lomhardy, but we made an Order among ourselves, that our Discourse be always in the Language of the Country, under Penalty of a Forfeiture, which is to be indispensably paid. Randal Symns made us a curious Feast lately, where, in a Cup of the richest Greek, we had your Health, and I could not tell whether the Wine or the Remembrance of you was sweeter; for it was naturally a kind of Aromatick Wine, which left a fragrant perfuming Kind of Farewel behind it. I have sent you a Runlet of it in the Ship Lion, and if it come safe, and unprick'd, I pray bestow some Bottles upon the Lady (you know) with my humble Service. When you write next to Mr. Symns, I pray acknowledge the good Hospitality and extraordinary Civilities I received from him. Before I con- clude, I will acquaint you with a common Saying that is used of this dainty City of Venice : Venetia, Venetia, chi non te vede non te Pregia, Ma chi fha troppo veduto ie Dispreggia. English'd and rhym'd thus (tho' I know you need no Trans- lation, you understand so much of the Italian) : Venice, Venice, none Thee unseen can prize ; Who hath seen too much will Thee despise. I will conclude with that famous Hexastic which San- nazaro made of this great City, which pleaseth me much better : Viderat Hadriacis Venetam Neptunus in undis Stare Urbein, 6^ toti ponere jura Mari ; Nunc miki Tarpeias quantum vis, Jupiter, Arces Objice 6^ ilia tui mcznia Martis ait, Sic Pelago Tibrim prcefers, Urhem aspice utramque, Jllam homines dices, hanc posuisse Deos. When 8o Familiar Letters. Book I. When Neptune saw in Adrian Surges stand Venice, and give the Sea Laws of Command: Now Jove, said he, object thy Capitol, And Mars' proud Walls : this tverefor to extol Tiber beyond the Main / both Towns behold ; Rome, Men thou' It say, Venice the Gods did mould. Sannazaro had given him by St. Mark a hundred Zecchins for every one of these Verses, which amounts to about 300?. It would be long before the City of London would do the like ; witness that cold Reward, or rather those cold Drops of Water which were cast upon my Countryman, Sir Hugh Middleton, for bringing Ware River thro' her Streets, the most serviceable and wholesomest Benefit that ever she receiv'd. The Parcel of Italian Books that you write for, you shall receive from Mr. Leat, if it please God to send the Ship to safe Port; and I take it as a Favour, that you employ me in anything that may conduce to your Contentment, because — I am your serious Servitor, J. H. Ven., 12 Aug. 162 1. XXXVII. To Captain Thomas Porter, Jrom Venice. My dear Captain, AS I was going a-Shipboard in Alicant, a Letter of yours in Spanish came to hand : I discovered two Things in it, first, what a Master you are of that Language; then, how mindful you are of your Friend. For the first, I dare not correspond with you yet: for the second, I shall never come short of you, for I am as mindful of you as possibly you can be of me, and some Hours my Pulse doth not beat more often than my Memory runs on you, which is often enough in Conscience ; for the Physicians hold, that in every vvell-dispos'd Body there be above 4000 Pulsations every Hour, and some Pulses have been known to beat above 30,000 times an Hour in acute Fevers. I Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 8i I understand you are bound with a gallant Fleet for the Mediterranean ; if you come to AUcant, I pray commend me to Francisco Marco, my Landlord; he is a merry Drole and good Company : One Night when I was there, he sent his Boy with a Borracha of Leather under his Cloak for Wine; the Boy coming back about Ten a Clock, and pass- ing by the Guard, one asked him whether he carried any Weapons about him (for none must wear any Weapons there after Ten at Night). No, quoth the Boy, being pleasant, I have but a little Dagger. The Watch came and searched him, and finding the Borracho full of good Wine, drunk it all up, saying, Sirrah, you know no Man must carry any Weapons so late; but because we know whose Servant you are, there's the Scabbard of your Dagger again ; and so threw him the empty Borracho. But another Passage pleased me better of Don Beltran de Rosa, who being to marry a rich Labrador's (a Yeoman's) Daughter hard-by, who was much importun'd by her Parents to the Match, because their Family should thereby be ennobled, he being a Cavalier of St. /ago ; the young Maid having understood that Don Beltran had been in Naples, and had that Disease about him, answer'd wittily. En verdad por adobar me la Sangre, no quiero dannarmi la Carne : Truly, Sir, To better my Blood, I will not hurt my Flesh. I doubt I shall not be in England before you set out to Sea; if not, I take my leave of you in this Paper, and wish you a prosperous Voyage, and an honourable Return. It is the hearty Prayer of — Yours, J. H. Ven., 21 Aug. 162 1. XXXVIII. To Sir William St. John, Knight, from Rome. Sir, HAVING seen Antenor's Tomb in Padua, and the Amphitheatre of Flaminius in Ferona, with other brave Towns in Lombardy, I am now come to Rome ; and Rome, they say, is every Man's Country; she is called F Communis 82 Familiar Letters. Book I. Communis Patrla; for every one that is within the Com- pass of the Latin Church finds himself here, as it were, at home, and in his Mother's House, in regard of Interest in Religion, which is the Cause that for one Native there be five Strangers that sojourn in this City; and without any Distinction or Mark of Strangeness, they come to Prefer- ments and Offices both in Church and State, according to Merit, which is more valued and sought after here than an v where. But whereas I expected to have found Rome elevated upon seven Hills, I met her rather spreading upon a Flat, having humbled herself since she was made a Christian, and descended from those Hills to Campus Martins, with Trasievere, and ^ the Suburbs of St. Peter; she hath yet in compass about fourteen Miles, which is far short of that vast Circuit she had in Claudius's Time : for Fopiscus writes, she was then of fifty Miles circumference, and she had five hundred thousand free Citizens, in a famous Cense that was made; which, allowing but six to every Family, in Women, Children, and Servants, came to three million of Souls: but she is now a Wilderness in comparison of that Number. The Pope is grown to be a great temporal Prince of late Years, for the State of the Church extends above 300 Miles in length, and 200 Miles in breadth ; it con- tains Ferrara, Bologna, Romagnia, the Marquisate o{ Ancona, Umbria, Sahina, Perugia, with a Part of Tuscany, the Patrimony, Rome herself, and Latium: In these there are above fifty Bishopricks ; the Pope hath also the Duchy of SpoletOy and the Exarchate of Ravenna; he hath the Town of Benevento in the Kingdom of Naples, and the Country of Fenisse, call'd Avignon in France ; he hath title also good enough to Naples itself, but rather than offend his Champion the King of Spain, he is contented with a white Mule, and Purse of Pistoles about the Neck, which he receives every Year for a Herriot or Homage, or what you will call it : he pretends also to be Lord-Paramount of Sicily, Urlin, Parma, and Maseran, of Norway, Ireland, and Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 83 and England, since King John did prostrate our Crown at Pandulfo his Legate's Feet. The State of the Apostolic See here in Italy lies betwixt two Seas, the Adriatic and the Tyrrhene ; and it runs thro' the midst of Italy, which makes the Pope powerful to do good or harm, and more capable than any other to be an Umpire or an Enemy. His Authority being mix'd betwixt Temporal and Spiritual, disperseth itself into so many Members, that a young Man may grow old here before he can well understand the Form of Government. The Consistory of Cardinals meet but once a Week, and once a Week they solemnly wait all upon the Pope. I am told there are now in Christendom but sixty-eight Cardinals, whereof there are six Cardinal-Bishops, fifty-one Cardinal- Priests, and eleven Cardinal-Deacons : the Cardinal-Bishops attend and sit near the Pope, when he celebrates any Festival: the Cardinal-Priests assist him at Mass, and the Cardinal- Deacons attire him. A Cardinal is made by a short Breve or IVrit from the Pope, in these Words : Creamus te Socium Re gibus, superior em Ducibus, ^ Jratrem nostrum : IVe create thee a Companion to Kings, superior to Dukes, and our Brother. If a Cardinal-Bishop should be question'd for any Offence, there must be twenty-four Witnesses produc'd against him. The Bishop of Ostia hath most Privilege of any other, for he consecrates and instals the Pope, and goes always next to him. All these Cardinals have the repute of Princes, and besides other Incomes, they have the Annats of Benefices to support their greatness. For point of Power, the Pope is able to put 50,000 Men in the Field, in case of necessity, besides his naval strength in Gallies. We read how Paul III. sent Charles III. 13,000 Foot and 500 Horse. Pius V. sent a greater Aid to Charles IX. and for Riches, besides the temporal Dominions, he hath in all the Countries before-nam'd, the Datary or dis- patching of Bulls. The Triennial Subsidies, Annats, and other Ecclesiastic Rights mount to an unknown Sum ; and it is a common Saying here, That as long as the Pope can finger 84 Familiar Letters. Book L finger a Pen, he can want no Pence. Pius V., notwithstand- ing his Expences in Buildings, left four millions in the Castle of St. Angela, in less than five years, more I believe than this Gregory XV. will, for he hath many Nephews ; and better it is to be the Pope's Nephew than to be Favourite to any Prince in Christendom. Touching the Temporal Government of Rome, and Op- pidan Affairs, there is a Pretor and some choice Citizens, who sit in the Capitol. Among other pieces of Policy, there is a Synagogue of Jews permitted here (as in other places of Italy) under the Pope's Nose, but they go with a mark of distinction in their Hats; they are tolerated for advantage of Commerce, wherein the Jews are wonderful dexterous, tho' most of them be only Brokers and Loni- hardeers; and they are held to be here, as the Cynic held Women to be, malum necessarium. There be few of the Romans that use to pray heartily for the Pope's long Life, in regard the oftner the Change is, the more advantageous it is for the City, because commonly it brings Strangers and a recruit of new People. The Air of Rome is not so whol- some as of old ; and among other Reasons, one is, because of the burning of Stubble to fatten their Fields. For her Antiquities, it would take up a whole Volume to write them ; those which I hold the chiefest are, Vespasian's Amphi- theatre, where eighty thousand People might sit; the Stoves of Anthony, divers rare Statues at Belveder and St. Peter s, especially that of Laocoon, the Obelisk; for the Genius of the Roman hath always been much taken with Imagery, Limning, and Sculptures, insomuch that as in former times, so now, I believe the Statues and Pictures in Rome exceed the number of living People. One Antiquity, among others, is very remarkable, because of the change of Language ; which is an ancient Column erected as a Trophy for Duillius the Consul, after a famous naval Victory obtain'd against the Carthaginians in the second Punic War, where these words are engraven, and remain legible to this day : Exemet leco-ines Macistrates Castreis exfocient pugnandod cepet enque, navehos Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 85 navehos marid Consul, &c., and half a dozen lines after, it is call'd Columna restraia, having the Beaks and Prows of Ships engraven up and down ; whereby it appears, that the Latin then spoken was much differing from that which was us'd in Cicero's time 150 years after. Since the dismem- bring of the Empire, Rome hath run thro' many vicissitudes and turns of Fortune : And had it not been for the Residence of the Pope, I believe she had become a heap of Stones, a mount of Rubbish by this time; and howsoever that she bears up indifferent well, yet one may say: Qui miseranda videt veieris vestigia Romae, Ille potest merito dicere Roma fuit. They who the Ruins of first Rome behold. May say, Rome is not now, but was of old. Present Rome may be said to be but the Monument of Rome past, when she was in that flourish that St. Austin desir'd to see her in : She who tam'd the World, tam'd her- self at last, and falling under her own weight, fell to be a Prey to Time; yet there is a Providence seems to have a care of her still ; for tho' her Air be not so good, nor her circumjacent Soil so kindly as it was, yet she hath where- with to keep Life and Soul together still, by her Ecclesias- tical Courts, which is the sole cause of her peopling now. So it may be said, When the Pope came to be her Head, she was reduc'd to her first Principles; for as a Shepherd was Founder, so a Shepherd is still her Governor and Preserver. But whereas the French have an odd Saying, That Jamais Cheval ny Homme, S'amenda pour aller d, Rome ; Ne^er Horse or Man did mend, That unto Rome did wend. Truly I must confess, that I find myself much better'd by it; for the sight of some of these Ruins did fill me with symptoms of Mortification, and made me more sensible of the frailty of all sublunary things, how all Bodies, as well inanimate 86 Familiar Letters. Book I. inanimate as animate, are subject to dissolution and change, and everything else under the Moon, except the Love of — Your faithful Servitor, J. H. 13 Sept. 1621. XXXIX. To Sir T. H. Knight, yVom Naples, Sir, I AM now in the gentle City of Naples, a City swelling with all Delight, Gallantry and Wealth ; and truly, in my opinion, the King of Spain s Greatness appears here more eminently than in Spain itself. This is a delicate luxurious City, fuller of true-bred Cavaliers than any place I saw yet. The Clime is hot, and the Constitutions of the Lihabitants more hot. The Neapolitan is accounted the best Courtier of Ladies, and the greatest embracer of Pleasure of any other People: They say there are no less here than twenty thousand Cour- tesans registered in the Office of Savelli. This Kingdom, with Calabria, may be said to be the one moiety of Italy ; it extends itself 450 miles, and spreads in breadth 112; it contains 2700 Towns, it hath 20 Archbishops, 127 Bishops, 13 Princes, 24 Dukes, 25 Marquisses, and 800 Barons. There are three Presidial Castles in this City; and tho' the Kingdom abounds in rich staple Commodities, as Silks, Cottons, and Wine, and that there is a mighty Revenue comes to the Crown -, yet the King of Spain, when he casts up his account at the year's end, makes but little benefit thereof^ for it is eaten up betwixt Governors, Garrisons, and Officers, He is forc'd to maintain 4000 Spanish Foot, call'd the Tercia oi Naples; in the Castles he hath 1600 in per- petual Garrison; he hath a thousand Men of Arms, 450 Light-Horse ; besides, there are five Footmen enrolPd for every hundred Fire : And he had need to do all this, to keep this voluptuous People in awe; for the Story musters up seven and twenty famous Rebellions of the Neapolitans in less than 300 years ; but now they pay soundly for it, for one Sect. 1. Familiar Letters. 87 one shall hear them groan up and down under the Spanish Yoke : And commonly the King of Spain sends some of his Grandees hither to repair their decay'd Fortunes ; whence the Saying sprung, That the Viceroy of Sicily gnaws, the Governor of Milan eats, hut the Viceroy of Naples devours. Our English Merchants here bear a considerable Trade, and their Factors live in better Equipage, and in a more splendid manner than in all Italy besides, than their Masters' and Principals in London; they ruffle in Silks and Sattins, and wear good Spanish Leather-shoes, while their Master's Shoes upon our Exchange in London shine with blacking. At Puzzoli, not far off amongst the Grottes, there are so many strange stupendous things, that Nature herself seem'd to have study'd of purpose how to make herself there admir'd : I reserve the discoursing of them, with the nature of the Tarantola and Manna, which is gather'd here, and nowhere else, with other things, till I see you, for they are fitter for Discourses than a Letter. I will conclude with a Proverb they have in Italy for this People : Napolitano Largo di bocca, stretto dimano. The Neapolitans Have wide Mouths, but narrow Hands. They make strong masculine Promises, but female Perfor- mances [for deeds are Men, hut words are IVomen), and if in a whoX^ flood of Compliments one find a drop of Reality, 'tis well. The first acceptance of a Courtesy is accounted the greatest Incivility that can be amongst them, and a ground for a Quarrel ; as I heard of a German Gentleman that was baffled for accepting only one Invitation to a Dinner. So, desiring to be preserv'd still in your good opinion, and in the rank of your Servants, I rest always most ready — At your disposing, \ J. H. I Octob. 162 1. XL. 88 Familiar Letters. Book I. XL. To Christopher Jones, 'Esq. ; at Gray's-Inn ; from Naples. Honoured Father, I MUST still style you so, since I was adopted your Son by so good a Mother as Oxford: My Mind lately prompted me, that I should commit a great Solecism, if among the rest of my Friends in England I should leave you unsaluted, whom I love so dearly well, specially having such a fair and pregnant opportunity as the hand of this worthy Gentleman your Cousin Morgan, who is now post- ing hence for England. He will tell you how it fares with me; how any time these thirty odd Months I have been toss'd from shore to shore, and pass'd under various Meri- dians, and am now in this voluptuous and luxuriant City of Naples: And tho' these frequent removes and tumblings under Climes of differing Temper were not without some danger, yet the Delight which accompanied them was far greater ; and it is impossible for any Man to conceive the true pleasure of Peregrination but he who actually enjoys and puts it in practice. Believe it. Sir, that one year well employ'd abroad by one of mature judgment (which you know I want very much) advantageth more in point of useful and solid Knowledge than three in any of our Uni- versities. You know running Waters are the purest, so thev that traverse the World up and down have the clearest understanding ; being faithful eye-witnesses of those things which others receive but in trust, whereunto they must yield an intuitive consent, and a kind of implicit Faith. When I pass'd thro' some parts of Lomhardy, among other things, I observ'd the Physiognomies and Complexions of the People, Men and Women ; and I thought I was in Wales, for divers of them have a cast of countenance and a nearer resem- blance with our Nation than any I ever saw yet : And the reason is obvious ; for the Romans having been near upon three hundred years among us, where they had four Legions (before Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 89 (before the English Nation or Language had any being) by so long a coalition and tract of time, the two Nations must needs copulate and mix : insomuch that I believe there is yet remaining in IVales many of the Romaji Race, and divers in Italy of the British. Among other resemblances, one was in their Prosody, and vein of Versifying or Rhym- ing, which is like our Bards, who hold Agnominations, and enforcing of consonant Words or Syllables one upon the other, to be the greatest Elegance. As, for Example, in Welsh, Tewgris, todyrris tyW derryn, gwillt, &c., so have I seen divers old Rhymes in Italian running so : Donne, danno, che Felo affronto affronta : In selva salvo a me : Piu caro cuore, 8cc. Being lately in Rome, among other Pasquils, I met with one that was against the Scots ; tho' it had some gaul in^t, yet it had a great deal of wit, especially towards the Con- clusion : so that I think if 1^. James saw it, he would but laugh at it. As I remember, some years since there was a very abusive Satire in Verse brought to our King; and as the passages were a-reading before him he often said. That if there were no more Men in England, the Rogue should hang for it: At last being come to the Conclusion, which was (after all his Railing) — Nmv God preserve the King, the Queen, the Peers, And grant the Author long may wear his Ears ; this pleas'd his Majesty so well, that he broke into a laughter, and said. By my sol, so thou shall for me : Thou art a bitter, but thou art a witty Knave. When you write to Monmouthshire, I pray send my respects to my Tutor, Master Moor Fortune, and my Service to Sir Charles Williams: And according to that Relation which was 'twixt us at Oxford, I rest — Your constant Son to serve you, J. H. 8 Octob. 162 1. XLI. 90 Familiar Letters. Book I. XLT. To Sir J. C.,from Florence. Sir, THIS Letter comes to kiss your Hands from fair Florence, a City so beautiful, that the great Emperor Charles V. said, That she was fitting to he shoiun and seen only upon Holidays: She marvailously flourisheth with Buildings, with Wealth and Artisans; for it is thought that in Serges, which is but one Commodity, there are made two millions every year. All degrees of People live here not onlv well, but splendidly well, notwithstanding the manifold Exactions of the Duke upon all things : For none can buy here Lands or Houses, but he must pay eight in the hundred to the Duke; none can hire or build a House, but he must pay the tenth Penny ; none can marry or commence a Suit in Law, but there is a Fee to the Duke ; none can bring as much as an Egg or Sallet to the Market, but the Duke hath share therein. Moreover, Ligorn, which is the Key of Tuscany, being a Maritime and a great Mercantile Town, hath mightily enrich'd this Country, by being a Frank Port to all Comers, and a safe Rendevouz to Pyrates as well as to Merchants. Add hereunto, that the Duke himself in some respect is a Merchant; for he sometimes ingrosseth all the Corn of the Country, and retails it at what rate he pleaseth. This enables the Duke to have perpetually 20,000 Men enroll'd, train'd up, and paid, and none but they can carry Arms ; he hath 400 Light-Horse in constant pay, and 100 Men at Arms besides; and all these quarter'd in so narrow a compass, that he can command them all to Florence in twenty-fours hours. He hath twelve Gallies, two Galeons, and six Galeasses besides ; and his Gallies are call'd The Black Fleet, because they annoy the Turk more in the bottom of the Straits than any other. This State is bound to keep good quarter with the Pope more than others; for all Tuscany is fenc'd by Nature her- self, I mean with Mountains, except towards the Territories of Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 91 of the Apostolic See, and the Sea itself : therefore it is call'd A Country of Iron. The Duke's Palace is so spacious, that it occupieth the room of fifty Houses at least; yet tho' his Court surpasseth the bounds of a Duke's, it reacheth not to the Magnificence of a King's. The Pope was sollicited to make the Grand Duke a King, and he answered. That he was content he should be King in Tuscany, not of Tuscany; whereupon one of his Counsellors reply'd, That it was a more glorious thing to be a grand Duke, than a petty King. Among other Cities which I desir'd to see in Italy, Genoa was one, where I lately was, and found her to be the proud- est for Buildings of any I met withal ; yet the People go the plainest of any other, and are also most parsimonious in their Diet: they are the subtillest, I will not say the most subdolous Dealers : they are wonderful wealthy, specially in Money. In the year 1600, the King of Spain owed them eighteen Millions, and they say it is double as much now. From the time they began to finger the Indian Gold, and that this Town hath been the Scale by which he hath conveyed his Treasure to Flanders, since the Wars in the Netherlands, for the support of his Armies, and that she hath got some Privileges for the exportation of Wools and other Commodities (prohibited to others) out of Spain, she hath improv'd extremely in Riches, and made St. George's Mount swell higher than St. Mark's in Venice. She hath been often ill-favouredly shaken by the Vene- tian, and hath had other Enemies, which have put her to hard shifts for her own defence, specially in the time of Lewis XI. oi France ; at which time, when she would have given herself up to him for Protection, K. Lewis being told that Genoa was content to be his, he answer'd. She should not he his long, for he would give her Jip to the Devil, and rid his hands of her. Indeed the Genowaies have not the Fortune to be so well belov'd as other People in Italy ; which proceeds, I believe, from their Cunningness and Over-reachings in bargaining, wherein 92 Familiar Letters. Book I. wherein they have something of the Jew. The Duke is there but Biennial, being chang'd every two years: He hath fifty Germans for his Guard. There be four Centurions that have two Men a-piece, which upon occasions attend the Signory abroad, in Velvet Coats ; there be eight Chief Governors, and four hundred Counsellors, among whom there be five Sovereign Syndics, who have authority to cen- sure the Duke himself, his time being expir'd, and punish any Governor else, tho' after Death, upon the Heir. Among other Customs they have in that Town, one is, That none must carry a pointed Knife about him; which makes the Hollander, who is us'd to Snik and Snee, to leave his Horn-sheath and Knife a Ship-hoard when he comes ashore. I met not with an Englishman in all the Town ; nor could I learn of any Factor of ours that ever resided here. There is a notable little active Republic towards the midst of Tuscany, call'd Lucca, which in regard she is under the Emperor's Protection, he dares not meddle withal, tho' she lie as a Partridge under a Faulcon's Wings, in relation to the Grand Duke: besides, there is another reason of State, why he meddles not with her, because she is more beneficial to him now that she is free, and more industrious to support this freedom, than if she were become his Vassal ; for then it is probable she would grow more careless and idle, and so could not vent his Commodities so soon, which she buys for ready Money, wherein most of her Wealth consists. There is no State that winds the Penny more nimbly, and makes quicker Returns. She hath a Council call'd the Discoli, which pries into the profession and life of every one, and once a year they rid the State of all Vagabonds: So that this petty pretty Republic may not be improperly parallel'd to a Hive of Bees, which have been always the emblems of Industry and Order. In this splendid City of Florence, there be many Rarities, which if I should insert in this Letter, it would make her swell too big ; and indeed they are fitted for Parol Communication Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 93 Communication. Here is the prime Dialect of the Italian spoken, tho' the Pronunciation be a little more guttural than that of Sienna, and that of the Court of Rome, which occa- sions the Proverb : Lingua Tosca?ia in bocca Romana. The Tuscan Tongue sounds best in a Roman Mouth. The People here generally seem to be more generous, and of a higher comportment than elsewhere, very cautious and circumspect in their Negotiation ; whence ariseth the Proverb : Chi ha da far con Tosco, Nan bisogna che sia Losco. Who dealeth with a Florentine, Must have the use of both his Efn. I shall bid Italy farewell now very shortly, and make my way o'er the Alps to France, and so home by God's Grace, to make a review of my Friends in England; among whom the sight of yourself will be as gladsome to me as of any other: for I profess myself, and purpose to be ever — Your thrice affectionate Servitor, J. H. I Nov. 1621. XLII. To Capt. Francis Bacon,^om Turin. Sir, I AM now upon point of shaking hands with Italy ; for I am come to Turin, having already seen Fenice the rich, Padua the Learned, Bologna the Fat, Rome the Holy, Naples the Gentle, Genoa the Proud, Florence the Fair, and Milan the Great ; from this last I came hither, and in that City also appears the Grandeur of Spain's Monarchy very much : The Governor of Milan is always Captain-General of the Cavalry to the King of Spain throughout Italy. The Duke of Feria is now Governor; and being brought to kiss his Hands, he us'd me with extraordinary Respect, as he doth all of our Nation, by being by maternal Side a Dormer. The 94 Familiar Letters. Book I. The Spaniard entertains there also 3000 Foot, 1000 Light- Horse, and 600 Men at Arms in perpetual Pay ; so that I believe the Benefit of that Dutchy also, tho' seated in the richest Soil of Italy, hardly countervails the Charge. Three Things are admir'd in Milan, the Dome or great Church (built all of white Marble, within and without), the Hospital, and the Castle, by which the Citadel of Antwerp was traced, and is the best-condition'd Fortress of Christendom ; tho' Nova Palma, a late Fortress of the Venetian, would go beyond it; which is built according to the exact Rules of the most modern Enginry, being of a round Form, with nine Bastions, and a Street level to every Bastion. The Duke of Savoy, tho' he pass for one of the Princes of Italy, yet the least Part of his Territories lie there, being squander'd up and down amongst the Alps ; but as much as he hath in Italy, which is Piedmont, is as well peopled, and passing good Country. The Duke of Savoy, Emanuel, is accounted to be of the antientest and purest Extraction of any Prince in Europe ; and his Knights also of the Annunciade to be one of the antientest Orders : tho' this present Duke be little in Stature, yet he is of a lofty Spirit, and one of the best Soldiers now living ; and tho' he be valiant enough, yet he knows how to patch the Lion's Skin with the Fox's Tail. And whosoever is Duke of Savoy had need be cunning, and more than any other Prince ; in regard, that lying between two potent Neighbours, the French and the Spaniard, he must comply with both. Before I wean myself from Italy, a Word or two touching the Genius of the Nation. I find the Italian a Degree higher in Compliment than the French; he is longer and more grave in the Delivery of it, and more prodigal of Words ; insomuch, that if one were to be worded to death, Italian is the fittest Language, in regard of the Fluency and Softness of it : for thro'out the whole Body of it, you have not a Word ends with a Consonant, except fome few mono- syllable Conjunctions and Prepositions, and this renders the Speech Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 95 Speech more smooth ; which made one say. That when the Confusion of Tongues happen'' d at the building of the Tower of Babel, if the Italian had been there, Nimrod had made him a Plaisterer. They are generally indulgent of them- selves, and great Embracers of Pleasure, which may proceed from the luscious rich Wines, and luxurious Food, Fruits, and Roots, wherewith the Country abounds; insomuch, that in some Places, Nature may be said to be, Leria sui, A Bawd to herself The Cardinal de Mediciss Rule is of much Authority among them, That there is no Religion under the Navel. And some of them are of the Opinion of the Asians, who hold, that touching those natural Passions, Desires, and Motions, which run up and down in the Blood, God Almighty, and his Handmaid Nature, did not intend they should be a Torment to us, but be used with Comfort and Delight. To conclude, in Italy there be Virtutes magnce, nee minora Filia; Great f^irtues, and 710 less Vices. So, with a Tender of my most affectionate Respects unto you, I rest — Your humble Servitor, J. H. 30 Nov. 162 1. XLIII. To Sir J. H.ffrom Lions. Sir, I AM now got over the Alps, and return'd to France ; I had crossed and clambered up the Pyreneans to Spain before ; they are not so high and hideous as the Alps ; but for our Mountains in Wales, as Eppint and Penwinmaur, which are so much cry'd up among us, they are Molehills in comparison of these ; they are but Pigmies compar'd to Giants, but Blisters compar'd to Imposthumes, or Pimples to IVarts. Besides, our Mountains in Wales bear alway something useful to Man or Beast, some Grass at least ; but these uncouth huge monstrous Excrescences of Nature bear nothing (most of them) but craggy Stones : the Tops of some of them are blanched over all the Year long with Snows; and the People who dwell in the Valleys, drinking, for 96 Familiar Letters. Book I. for want of other, this Snow- Water, are subject to a strange Swelling in the Throat, called Goytre, which is common among them. As I scalM the Alps, my Thoughts reflected upon Hanni- lal, who with Vinegar and Strong Waters did eat out a Passage thro' those Hills ; but of late Years they have found a speedier Way to do it by Gunpowder, Being at Turin, I was by some Disaster brought to an extreme low Ebb in Money, so that I was forced to foot it along with some Pilgrims, and with gentle Pace and easy Journeys, to climb up those Hills, till I came to this Town of Lions, where a Countryman of ours, one Mr. Lewis, whom I knew in Alicant, lives Factor; so that now I want not anything for my Accommodation. This is a stately rich Town, and a renowned Mart for the Silks of Italy, and other Levantine Commodities, and a great Bank for Money, and indeed the greatest of France. Before this Bank was founded, which was by Henry I., France had but little Gold and Silver ; insomuch that we read how YiAX\g John, their Captive King, could not in four Years raise sixty thousand Crowns to pay his Ransom to our King Edward : And St. Lewis was in the same Case when he was Prisoner in Egypt, where he had left the Sacrament for a Gage. But after this Bank was erected, it fill'd France full of Money ; they of Lucca, Florence, and Genoa, with the Venetian, got quickly over the Hills, and brought their Moneys hither, to get Twelve in the Hundred Profit; which was the Interest at first, tho' it be now much lower. In this great mercantil Town there be two deep navi- gable Rivers, the Rhone and the Sone ; the one hath a swift rapid Course, the other slow and smooth : And one Day, as I walk'd upon their Banks, and observ'd so much Differ- ence in their Course, I fell into a Contemplation of the Humours of the French and Spaniard, how they might be not improperly compar'd to these Rivers ; the French to the swift, the Spaniard to the slow River. I Sect. I. Familiar Letters. 97 T shall write you no more Letters, until I present myself to you for a speaking Letter, which I shall do as soon as I may tread London Stones. — Your affectionate Servitor, J.H. 6 Nov. 1621. XLIV. To Mr. Tho. Bowyer,yrow Lions. BEING so near the Lake of Geneva, Curiosity would carry any one to see it: The Inhabitants of that Town, methinks, are made of another Paste, differing from the affable Nature of those People I had convers'd withal formerly ; they have one Policy, lest that their petty Re- public should be pester'd with Fugitives ; their Law is. That what Stranger soever flies thither for Sanctuary, he is punish- able there in the same Degree as in the Country where he committed the Offence. Geneva is govern'd by four Syndics, and four hundred Senators: She lies like a Bone 'twixt three Mastiffs, the Emperor, the French King, and the Duke of Savoy: they all three look upon the Bone, but neither of them dare touch it singly, for fear the other two would fly upon him. But they say the Savoyard hath the justest Title ; for there are Imperial Records extant. That althd the Bishops of Geneva were Lords Spiritual and Temporal, yet they should acknow- ledge the Duke of Savoy for their Superior. This Man's Ancestors went frequently to the Town, and the Keys were presently tender'd to them. But since Calvin's Time, who had been once banish'd, and then call'd in again, which made him to apply that Speech to himself, That the Stone which the Builders refused is become the Head-stone of the Corner ; I say, since they were refin'd by Calvin, they seem to shun and scorn all the World besides, being cast, as it were, into another Mould, which hath quite alter'd their very natural Disposition in point of Moral Society. Before I part with this famous City of Lions, I will relate to you a wonderful strange Accident that happen'd here G not 98 Familiar Letters. Book /. not many Years ago. There is an Officer calPd he Cheva- lier du Guet, who is a kind of Night-guard here, as well as in Paris ; and his Lieutenant, caWed /aqjietie, having supp'd one Night in a rich Merchant's House, as he was passing the Round afterwards, he said, I wonder what I have eaten and drank at the Merchant's Honse, for I find myself so hot, that if I meet with the Devil's Dam to-night, I should not forbear using of her. Hereupon, a little after, he overtook a young Gentlewoman mask'd, whom he would needs usher to her Lodging, but discharged all his Watch, except two ; she brought him, to his thinking, to a little low Lodging hard by the City-Wall, where there were only two Rooms: and after he had enjoy'd her, he desir'd that, according to the Custom of French Gentlemen, his two Comrades might partake also of the same Pleasure ; so she admitted them one after the other: And when all this was done, as they sat together, she told them, if they knew who she was, none of them would have ventured upon her ; thereupon she whistled three times, and all vanish'd. The next Morning, the two Soldiers that had gone with Lieutenant faquette were found dead under the City-Wall, amongst the Ordure and Excrements, and faquette himself a little way off half- dead, who was taken up, and coming to himself again, con- fess'd all this, but dy'd presently after. The next Week I am to go down the Loire towards Paris, and thence as soon as I can for England, where, among the rest of my Friends, whom I so much long to see after this triennial Separation, you are like to be one of my first Objects. In the meantime I wish the same Happiness may attend you at home as I desire to attend me homeward ; for I am — Truly yours, J. H. 5 Dec. 162 1. SECTIO>f Section II. To my Father. Sir, IT hath pleased God, after almost three years' Peregri- nation by Land and Sea, to bring me back safely to London ; but altho' I am come safely, I am come sickly : For when I landed in Venice, after so long a Sea- Voyage from Spain, I was afraid the same Defluxion of salt Rheum which fell from my Temples into my Throat in Oxford, and distilling upon the Uvula impeach'd my Utterance a little to this day, had found the same channel again ; which caused me to have an Issue made in my Left Arm for the Diversion of the Humour. I was well ever after till I came to Rouen, and there I fell sick of a Pain in the Head, which, with the Issue, I have carry'd with me to England. Dr. Harvey, who is my Physician, tells me, that it may turn to a Consumption, therefore he hath stopped the Issue, telling me there is no danger at all in it, in regard I have not worn it a full twelvemonth. My Brother, I thank him, hath been very careful of me in this my sickness, and hath come often to visit me : I thank God I have pass'd the brunt of it, and am recovering and picking up my Crums apace. There is a flaunting French Ambassador come over lately, and I believe his Errand is nought else but Compliment; for the King of France being lately at Calais, and so in sight of England, he sent his Ambassador, M. Cadenet, expresly to visit our King : He had Audience two days since, where he, with his Train of ruffling long- hair'd Monsieurs, carry'd himself in such a light Garb, that after the Audience the King ask'd my Lord Keeper Bacon what he thought of the French Ambassador : He answered. That he was a tall proper Man. Ay, his Majesty reply'd, but 100 Familiar Letters. Book I. but what think you of his Head-piece ? Is he a proper Man for the Office of an Ambassador? Sir, said Bacon, Tall Men are like high Houses of four or five Stories, wherein commonly the uppermost Room is worst furnish' d. So, desiring my Brothers and Sisters, with the rest of my Cousins and Friends in the Country, may be acquainted with my safe return to England, and that you would please to let me hear from you by the next Conveniency, I rest — Your dutiful Son, J. H. Lond., 2 Feb. 162 1. II. To Rich. Altham, Esq. ; at Norberry. C^ALFE pars animce dimidiata mece ; Hail, half my Soul, my dear Dick, 8cc. I was no sooner return'd to the sweet Bosom of England, and had breath'd the Smoke of this Town, but my Memory ran suddenly on you ; the Idea of you hath almost ever since so fill'd up and engross'd my Imagination, that I can think on nothing else ; the Love of you swells both in my Breast and Brain with such a pregnancy, that nothing can deliver me of this violent high Passion but the sight of you : Let me despair if I lye, there was never Female long'd more after anything by reason of her growing Emhryon than I do for your Presence. Therefore I pray you make haste to save my Longing, and tantalize me no longer ('tis but three hours' riding), for the sight of you will be more precious to me than any one Object I have seen (and I have seen many rare ones) in all my three years' Travel ; and if you take this for a Com- pliment (because I am newly come from France) you are much mistaken in — Yours, J. H. Lond., I Feb. 162 1. in. To D. Caldwall, Esq. ; at Battersay. My dear Dan, I AM come at last to London, but not without some danger, and thro' divers difficulties; for I fell sick in France, Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. ioi France, and came so over to Kent : And my Journey from the Seaside hither was more tedious to me than from Rome to Rouen, where I grew first indisposed ; and in good faith, I cannot remember anything to this hour how I came from Gravesend hither, I was so stupify'd, and had lost the knowledge of all things; but I am come to myself indifferently well since, I thank God for it, and you cannot imagine how much the Sight of you, much more your Society, would revive me : Your Presence would be a Cordial to me more restorative than exalted Gold, more precious than the Powder of Pearl ; whereas your Absence, if it continue long, will prove to me like the dust of Diamonds, which is incurable Poison. I pray be not accessary to my death, but hasten to comfort your so long weather-beaten Friend — Yours, J. H. Zond., I Fel>. 162 1. IV. To Sir James Crofts, at the Lord Darcy's in St. Osith. Sir, I AM got again safely to this side of the Sea, and tho' I was in a very sickly case when I first arrivM, yet thanks be to God I am upon point of perfect recovery, whereunto the sucking in of English Air, and the sight of some Friends, conduc'd not a little. There is fearful News come from Germany ; you know how the Bohemians shook off the Emperor's Yoke, and how the great Council of Prague fell to such a hurly-burly, that some of the Imperial Counsellors were hurl'd out at the Windows : You heard also, I doubt not, how they offer'd the Crown to the Duke of Saxony, and he waving it, they sent Ambassadors to the Palsgrave, whom they thought might prove par negotio, and to be able to go thro' stitch with the work, in regard of his powerful Alliance, the King of Great Britain being his Father-in-Law, the K. of Denmark, the Pr. of Orange, the Marq. of Brandenburg, the D. of Bouil- lon his Uncles, the States of Holland his Confederates, the French I02 Familiar Letters. Book I. French King his Friend, and the D. of Brunswick his near Ally: The Prince Palsgrave made some difficulty at first, and most of his Counsellors oppos'd it ; others incited him to it, and among other hortatives, they told him, Thai if he had the Courage to venture upon a King of England's sole Daughter, he might very well venture upon a sovereign Crown iviien it was tenderd him. Add hereunto, that the States of Hollanddid mainly advance the Work, and there was good reason in policy for it; for their twelve years' Truce being then upon point of expiring with Spain, and finding our King so wedded to Peace, that nothing could divorce him from it, they lighted upon this design to make him draw his Sword, and engage him against the House of Austria for the defence of his sole Daughter and his Grand- children. What his Majesty will do hereafter I will not presume to foretell ; but hitherto he hath given little counte- nance to the business, nay he utterly mislik'd it at first; for whereas Dr. Hall gave the Prince Palsgrave the title of K. of Bohemia in his Pulpit-Prayer, he had a check for his pains ; for I heard his Majesty should say. That there is an implicit Tie among Kings, which obligeth them, tho' there be no other interest or particular engagement, to stick to and right one another upon an insurrection of Subjects; therefore he had more reason to be against the Bohemians than to adhere to them in the deposition of their Sovereign Prince. The King of Denmark sings the same Note, nor will he also allow him the appellation of King. But the fearful News I told you of at the beginning of this Letter is, that there are fresh Tidings brought how the Prince Palsgrave had a well-appointed Army of about 25,000 Horse and Foot near Prague ; but the Duke of Bavaria came with scarce half the Number, and notwithstanding his long March, gave them a sudden Battle, and utterly routed them : Insomuch that the new King of Bohemia, having not worn the Crown a whole twelvemonth, was forc'd to fly with his Queen and Children ; and after many Difficulties, they write, that they are come to the Castle of Castrein, the Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. 103 the Duke of Brandenburg^ s Country, his Uncle. This News affects both Court and City here with much heaviness. I send you my humble thanks for the noble Correspon- dence you were pleased to hold with me Abroad ; and I desire to know by the next when you come to London, that I may have the comfort of the sight of you, after so long an Absence — Your true Servitor, J. H. I Mar. 1621. V. To Dr. Fr. Mansell, at All-Souls' in Oxford. I AM return'd safe from my foreign Employment, from my three years' Travel ; I did my best to make what Advantage I could of the time, tho' not so much as I should ; for I find that Peregrination (well us'd) is a very profitable School ; it is a running Academy, and nothing conduceth more to the building up and perfecting of a Man. Your honourable Uncle Sir Robert Mansel, who is now in the Mediterranean, hath been very notable to me, and I shall ever acknowledge a good part of my Education from him. He hath melted vast Sums of Money in the Glass- business, a Business indeed more proper for a Merchant than a Courtier. I heard the King should say, That he wonderM Robin Mansel, being a Seaman, whereby he hath got so much Honour, should fall from IVater to tamper with Fire, which are two contrary Elements. My Father fears that this Glass-employment will be too brittle a Foundation for me to build a Fortune upon ; and Sir Robert being now at my coming back so far at Sea, and his Return uncertain, my Father hath advis'd me to hearken after some other Condition. I attempted to go Secretary to Sir John Ayres to Constantinople, but I came too late. You have got your- self a great deal of good Reputation by the voluntary Resignation you made of the Principality of Jesus College to Sir Eubule Theolall, in hope that he will be a consider- able Benefactor to it. I pray God he perform what he promiseth I04 Familiar Letters. Book I. promiseth, and that he be not over-partial to Nortk-Wales Men. Now that I give you the first Summon, I pray you make me happy with your Correspondence by Letters ; there is no Excuse or Impediment at all left now, for you are sure where to find me; whereas I was a Laiidloper, as the Dutchman saith, a wanderer, and subject to incertain removes, and short sojourns in divers places before. So, with Apprecation of all Happiness to you here and hereafter, I rest — At your friendly dispose, J. H. 5 Mar. 1618. VI. To Sir Eubule Theolall, Knight, and Principal of Jesus College in Oxford. Sir, I SEND you most due and humble thanks, that notwith- standing I have play'd the truant, and been absent so long from Oxford, you have been pleas'd lately to make choice of me to be Fellow of your new Foundation in Jesus College, whereof I was once a Member. As the quality of my Fortunes^ and course of Life, run now, I cannot make present use of this your great Favour, or Promotion rather; yet I do highly value it, and humbly accept of it, and intend by your Permission to reserve and lay it by, as a good warm Garment, against rough Weather, if any fall on me. With this my expression of Thankfulness, I do congratulate the great honour you have purchas'd both by your own beneficence, and by your painful endeavour, besides, to perfect that national College, which hereafter is like to be a Monument of your Fame, as well as a Semin- ary of Learning, and will perpetuate your Memory to all Posterity. God Almighty prosper and perfect your undertakings, and provide for you in Heaven those rewards which such publick works of Piety use to be crown'd withal ; it is the Appreca- tion of — Your truly devoted Servitor, J. H. London, idibus Mar. 1621. VII. Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. 105 VII. To my Father. Sir, ACCORDING to the Advice you sent me in your last, while I sought after a new course of Employment, a new Employment hath lately sought after me; my Lord Savage hath two young Gentlemen to his Sons, and I am to go travel with them : Sir James Crofts (who so much respects you) was the main Agent in this business, and I am to go shortly to Long-Melford in Suffolk, and thence to St. Osith in Essex to the Lord Darcy. Q. Anne is lately dead of a Dropsy in Denmark- House ; which is held to be one of the fatal Events that follow'd the last fearful Comet that rose in the Tail of the Constellation of Virgo; which some Ignorant Astronomers that write of it would fix in the Heavens, and that as far above the Orb of the Moon as the Moon is from the Earth : but this is nothing in com- parison of those hideous Fires that are kindled in Germany , blown first by the Bohemians, which is like to be a War without end ; for the whole House of Austria is interested in the Quarrel, and it is not the custom of that House to set by any Affront, or forget it quickly. Q. Anne left a world of brave Jewels behind, but one Piero, an outlandish Man, who had the keeping of them, embezzled many, and is run away; she left all she had to Prince Charles, whom she ever lov'd best of all her Children; nor do I hear of any Legacy she left at all to her Daughter in Germany : for that Match, some say, lessen'd something of her Affec- tion towards her ever since, so that she would often call her Goody Palsgrave ; nor could she abide Secretary PFin- wood ever after, who was one of the chiefest instruments to bring that Match about, as also for the rendition of the Cautionary Towns in the Low Countries, Flushing and Brill, with the Rammakins. I was lately with Sir John Walter and others of your Counsel about Law-business; and some of them told me that Master J. Lloyd, your Adversary, io6 Familiar Letters. Book I. Adversary, is one of the shrewdest Solicitors in all the thirteen Shires of Wales, being so habituated to Law-suits and Wrangling, that he knows any of the least starting- holes in every Court: I could wish you had made a fair end with him ; for besides the cumber and trouble, especially to those that dwell at such a huge distance from West- minster-Hall as you do, Law is a shrewd Pick-purse, and the Lawyer, as I heard one say wittily not long since, is like a Christmas-box, which is sure to get, whosoever loseth. So, with the continuance of my due and daily Prayers for your health; with my love to my Brothers and Sisters, I rest — Your dutiful Son, J. H. 20 Mar. 1618. VIIL To Dan. Caldwall, Esq. ; from the Lord Savage's Hoiise in Long-Melford. My dear Dan, THO', considering my former condition of Life, I may now be call'd a Countryman, yet you cannot call me a Rustic (as you would imply in your Letter) as long as I live in so civil and noble a Family, as long as I lodge in so vertuous and regular a House as any I believe in the Land, both for oeconomicall Government, and the choice Company ; for I never saw yet such a dainty Race of Children in all my life together ; I never saw yet such an orderly and punctual attendance of Servants, nor a great House so neatly kept ; here one shall see no dog, nor a cat, nor cage to cause any nastiness within the body of the House. The Kitchen and Gutters and other Offices of noise and drudgery are at the fag-end ; there's a Back-gate for the Beggars and the meaner sort of Swains to come in at ; the Stables butt upon the Park, which, for a chearful rising Ground, for Groves and Browsings for the Deer, for rivulets of Water, may compare with any for its highness in the whole Land ; it is opposite to the front of the great House, Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. 107 House, whence from the Gallery one may see much of the Game when they are a-hunting. Now for the Gardening and costly choice Flowers^ for Ponds, for stately large Walks, green and gravelly, for Orchards and choice Fruits of all sorts, there are few the like in England: here you have your Bon Christian Pear and Bergamot in perfection, your Muscadell Grapes in such plenty, that there are some Bottles of Wine sent every year to the King ; and one Mr. Daniel, a worthy Gentleman hard by, who hath been long abroad, makes good store in his Vintage. Truly this House of Long-Melford, tho' it be not so great, yet it is so well compacted and contriv'd with such dainty Conveniences every way, that if you saw the Landskip of it, you would be mightily taken with it, and it would serve for a choice Pattern to build and contrive a House by. If you come this Summer to your Manor of Sheriff in Essex, you will not be far off hence ; if your occasions will permit, it will be worth your coming hither, tho' it be only to see him who would think it a short Journey to go from St. David's- Head to Dover Cliffs to see and serve you, were there occa- sion : If you would know who the same is, 'tis — Yours, J.H. 20 May 1619. IX. To Robert Brown, Esq. Sir, 'T^ H^NKS for one Courtesy is a good Usher to bring on another; therefore it is my Policy at this time to thank you most heartily for your late copious Letter, to draw on a second : I sav, I thank you a thousand times over for yours of the 3d of this present, which abounded with such variety of News, and ample well-couch'd Rela- tions, that I made many Friends by it; yet I am sorry for the quality of some of your News, that Sir Robert Mansel being now in the Mediterranean with a considerable naval strength of ours against the Moors, to do the Spaniard a pleasure. Marquis Spinola should, in a hogling way, change his io8 Familiar Letters. Book L his Master for the time, and taking Commission from the Emperor, become his Servant for invading the Palathiate with the Forces of the King of Spain in the Netherlands. I am sorry also the Princes of the Union should be so stupid as to suffer him to take Oppenheim by a Parthian kind of back Stratagem, in appearing before the Town, and making semblance afterwards to go to JVorms ; and then perceiving the Forces of the United Provinces, to go for succouring of that, to turn back and take the Town he intended first, whereby I fear he will be quickly master of the rest. Surely I believe there may be some treachery in't, and that the Marquis of Anspach, the General, was over- come by Pistols made of Indian Ingots, rather than of Steel ; else an Army of 40,000, which he had under his Command, might have made its Party good against Spinolas less than 30,000, tho' never such choice Veterans. But what will not Gold do ? It will make a Pigmy too hard for a Giant. There's no fence or fortress against an Ass laden with Gold. It was the saying, you know, of his Father, whom partial and ignorant Antiquity cries up to have conquer'd the World, and that he sigh'd there were no more Worlds to conquer, tho' he had never one of the three old parts of the then known World entirely to himself. I desire to know what is become of that handful of Men his Majesty sent to Germany under Sir Horace Vere, which he was bound to do, as he is one of the Protestant Princes of the Union ; and what's become of Sir Arthur Chichester, who is gone Ambassador to those Parts ? Dear Sir, I pray make me happy still with your Letters; it is a mighty pleasure for us Country-folks to hear how- matters pass in London and Abroad : You know I have not the Opportunity to correspond with you in like kind, but may happily hereafter when the tables are turn'd, when I am in London, and you in the West. Whereas you are desirous to hear how it fares with me, I pray know that I live in one of the noblest Houses and best Air of England: There is a dainty Park adjoining, where I often wander up and Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. 109 and down, and I have my several Walks. I make one to represent the Royal Exchange, the other the middle Isle of Paxil's, another JVestminister-hall : and when I pass thro* the herd of Deer, methinks I am in Cheapside. So, with a full return of the same measure of Love as you pleas'd to send me, I rest — Yours, J. H. 24 May 1622. X. To R. Altham, Esq. ; from St, Osith, Sir, LIFE itself is not so dear to me as your Friendship, nor ^ Virtue in her best Colours as precious as your Love, which was lately so lively pourtray'd unto me in yours of the 5th of this present. Methinks your Letter was like a piece of Tissue richly embroider'd with rare Flowers up and down, with curious Representations, and Landskips : Albeit I have as much stuff as you of this kind (I mean matter of Love), yet I want such a Loom to work it upon ; I cannot draw it to such a curious Web; therefore you must be content with homely Polldavie Ware from me, for you must not expect from us Country-folks such Urbanities and quaint Invention, that you, who are daily conversant with the Wits of the Court, and of the Inns of Court, abound withal. Touching your Intention to travel beyond the Seas the next Spring, and the Intimation you make how happy you would be in my Company ; I let you know that I am glad of the one, and much thank you for the other, and will think upon it, but I cannot resolve yet upon anything. I am now here at the Earl Rivers', a noble and great-knowing Lord, who hath seen much of the World abroad ; my Lady Savage, his Daughter, is also here with divers of her Chil- dren : I hope this Hilary Term to be merry in London, and among other to re-enjoy your Conversation principally, for I esteem the society of no soul upon Earth more than yours : Till then I bid you farewell, and as the Season invites no Familiar Letters. Book I. invites me, I wish you a merry Christmas, resting — Yours while J. Howell. 20 Dec. 1622. XI. To Captain Tho. Porter^ upon his Return from Algier Voyage. Noble Captain, I CONGRATULATE your safe Return from the Straits, but am sorry you were so streightned in your Commis- sion, that you could not attempt what such a brave naval Powerof twenty MenofWar,such agallant General, and other choice knowing Commanders might have perform'd, if they had had Line enough. I know the Lightness and Nimble- ness of Algier Ships ; when I liv'd lately in Alicant and other places upon the Mediterranean, we should every Week hear some of them chas'd, but very seldom taken ; for a great Ship following one of them, may be said to be as a Mastiff Dog running after a Hare. I wonder the Spaniard came short of the promis'd Supply for furtherance of that noble adventurous Design you had to fire the Ships and Gallies in Algiers Road : And according to the Rela- tion you pleas'd to send me, it was one of the bravest Enter- prizes, and had prov'd such a glorious Exploit that no Story could have parallel'd; but it seems their Hoggies, Magi- cians, and Maribots were tampering with the ill Spirits of the Air all the while, which brought down such a still Cataract of Rain-waters suddenly upoa you, to hinder the working of your Fire-works ; such a Disaster the Story tells us, befell Charles the Emperor, but far worse than yours, for he lost Ships and multitudes of Men, who were made Slaves, but you came off with loss of eight Men only, and Algier is anotherghess thing now than she was then, being I believe an hundred degrees stronger by Land and Sea; and for the latter strength we may thank our Countryman Ward, and Danskey the Butterbag Hollander, who may be said to have been two of the fatalest and most infamous Men that ever Christendom Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. hi Christendom bred ; for the one taking all Englishmen, and the other all Dutchmen, and bringing the Ships and Ord- nance to Algier, they may be said to have been the chief raisers of those Picaroons to be Pirates, who are now come to that height of strength, that they daily endamage and affront all Christendom. When I consider all the circumstances and success of this your Voyage, when I consider the nar- rowness of your Commission, which was as lame as the Clerk that kept it; when I find that you secur'd the Seas and Traffick all the while, for I did not hear of one Ship taken while you were abroad ; when I hear how you brought back all the Fleet without the least disgrace or damage by Foe or foul Weather to any Ship; I conclude, and so do far better Judgments than mine, that you did what possibly could be done: let those that repine at the one in the hundred (which was impos'd upon all the Leyaw^ Merchants for the support of this Fleet) mutter what they will, that you went first to Gravesend, then to the Land's-end, and after to no end. I have sent you for your welcome home (in part) two Barrels of Colchester Oysters, which were provided for my Lord Colchester himself; therefore T presume they are good, and all green-finn'd ; I shall shortly follow, but not to stay long in England, for I think I must over again speedily to push on my Fortunes : So, my dear Tom, I am de todas mis entranas, from the center of my heart, I am — Yours, J.H. Sf. Ostth, Dec. 1622. XI r. To my Father, upon my second going to travel. Sir, I AM lately return'd to London, having been all this while in a very noble Family in the Country, where I found far greater Respects than I deserv'd ; I was to go with two of my Lord Savage's Sons to travel, but finding myself too young for such a Charge, and our Religion differing, I have now made choice to go over Comrade to a 112 Familiar Letters. Book I. a very worthy Gentleman, Baron Altham^s Son, whom I knew in Staines, when my Brother was there. Truly, I hold him to be one of the hopefulest young Men of this Kingdom for Parts and Person ; he is full of excellent solid Knowledge, as the Mathematics, the Law, and other mate- rial Studies : besides, I should have been ty'd to have staid three years abroad in the other Employment at least, but I hope to get back from this by God's Grace before a Year be at an end, at which time I hope the Hand of Providence will settle me in some stable home-fortune. The News is, that the Prince Palsgrave, with his Lady and Children, are come to the Hague in Holland, having made a long Progress or rather a Pilgrimage about Germany from Prague. The old D. of Bavarians Uncle is chosen Elec- tor and Arch-sewer of the Roman Empire in his place (but, as they say, in an imperfect Diet), and with this Proviso, that the transferring of this Election upon the Bavarian shall not prejudice the next Heir. There is one Count Mansfelt that begins to get a great Name in Germany, and he, with the D. of Brwiswick, who is a Temporal Bishop of Halverstade, have a considerable Army on foot for the Lady Elizabeth, who, in the Low Countries and some parts of Germany, is call'd the Queen ofBoheme, and for her winning princely comportment. The Queen of Hearts. Sir Arthur Chichester is come back from the Palatinate, much com- plaining of the small Army that was sent thither under Sir Horace Fere, which should have been greater, or none at all. My Lord of Buckingham, having been long since Master of the Horse at Court, is now made Master also of all the Wooden-horses in the Kingdom, which indeed are our best Horses, for he is to be High- Admiral of England; so he is become Domimis Equorum ^ Aquarum. The late Lord Treasurer Cranjield grows also very powerful, but the City hates him for having betray'd their greatest Secrets, which he was capable to know more than another, having been formerly a Merchant. I Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. 113 I think I shall have no opportunity to write to you again till I be t'other side of the Sea ; therefore I humbly take my leave, and ask your Blessing, that I may the beter prosper in my Proceedings : So I am — Your dutiful Son, J. H. 19 Mar. 1622. XIII. To Sir John Smith, Knight. Sir, THE first ground I set foot upon after this my second transmarine Voyage was Trevere (the Scots Staple) in Zealand ; thence we sail'd to Holland, in which Passage we might see divers Steeples and Turrets under Water, of Towns that we were told were swallow'd up by a Deluge within the Memory of Man : we went afterwards to the Hague, where there ai-e hard by, tho' in several Places, two wonderful things to be seen, the one of Art, the other of Nature ; that of Art is a Wagon, or Ship, or a Monster mix'd of both, like the Hippocentaur , who was half Man and half Horse : This Engine hath Wheels and Sails that will hold above twenty People, and goes with the Wind, being drawn or mov'd by nothing else, and will run, the Wind being good and the Sails hois'd up, above fifteen miles an hour upon the even hard Sands. They say this Invention was found out to entertain Spinola when he came hither to treat of the last Truce. That Wonder of Nature is a Church- monument, where an Earl and a Lady are engraven with 365 Children about them, which were all delivered at one Birth; they were half Male, half Female; the two Basons in which they were christned hang still in the Church, and the Bishop's Name who did it; and the story of this Miracle, with the year and the day of the month mentioned, which is not yet 200 years ago. And the Story is this ; That the Countess walking about her Door after dinner, there came a Beggar-woman with two Children upon her back to beg Alms; the Countess asking whether those Children were her own, she answer'd, She had them both at one Birth, u and 114 Familiar Letters. Book I. and by one Father, who was her Husband. The Countess would not only not give her any Alms, but revil'd her bit- terly, saying, It was impossible for one Man to get two Children at once. The Beggar-woman being thus provok'd with ill Words, and without Alms, fell to Imprecations, that it should please God to shew His Judgment upon her, and that she might bear at one Birth as many Children as there be days in the year, which she did before the same year's end, having never born Child before. We are now in North-Holland, where I never saw so many, among so few, sick of Leprosies ; and the reason is, because they com- monly eat abundance of fresh Fish. A Gentleman told me, that the Women of this Country, when they are deliver'd, there comes out of the Womb a living Creature besides the Child, call'd Zucchie, likest a Bai of any other Creature, which the Midwives throw into the Fire, holding Sheets before the Chiinney lest it should fly away. Mr. Altham desires his Service be presented to you and your Lady, to Sir John Franklin, and all at the Hill ; the like do I humbly crave at your Hands : The Italian and French Manuscripts you pleas'd to favour me withal I left at Mr. SciVs the Stationer, whence, if you have not them already, you may please to send for them. So in all Affection I kiss your hands, and am — Your humble Servitor, J. H. Trevere, lo April 1623. XIV. To the Right Honoiirahle the Lord Viscount Colchester, after Earl Rivers. Right Honourable, THE Commands your Lordship pleas'd to impose upon me when I left England, and those high Favours wherein I stand bound to your Lordship, call upon me at this time to send your Lordship some small fruits of my foreign Travel. Marquis Spinola is return'd from the Palatinate, where he was so fortunate, that (like C(ssar) he came. Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. 115 came, saw, and overcame, notwithstanding that huge Army of the Princes of the Union, consisting of 40,000 Men ; whereas his was under 20,000, but made up of old tough Blades and Veteran Commanders. He hath now chang'd his Coat, and taken up his old Commission again from Don Philippo^ whereas during that Expedition he call'd himself Ccesars Servant. I hear the Emperor hath transmitted the upper Palatinate to the Duke of Bavaria, as caution for those Moneys he hath expended in those Wars. And the King of Spain is the Emperor's Commissary for the lower Pala- tinate : They both pretend that they were bound to obey the Imperial Summons to assist CcBsar in these Wars; the one as he was Duke of Burgundy, the other of Bavaria, both which Countries are feudatory to the Empire; else they had incur'd the Imperial Ban. It is fear'd this German War will be, as the Frenchman saith, de longue haleine, long- breath'd ; for there are great Powers on both sides, and they say the King of Denmark is arming. Having made a leisurely sojourn in this Town, I had yours to couch in writing a survey of these Countries, which I have now travers'd the second time ; but in regard it would be a great bulk for a Letter, I send it your Lordship apart, and when I return to England I shall be bold to attend your Lordship for correction of my Faults. In the Interim I rest, my Lord, — Your thrice humble Servitor, J. H. Antwerp, i Alay 1623. XV. A Survey of the seventeen Provinces. My Lord, TO attempt a precise description of each of the seven- teen Provinces, and of its Progression, Privileges, and primitive Government, were a task of no less confusion than labour : Let it suffice to know, that since Flanders and Holland were erected to Earldoms, and so left to be an Appendix to the Crown of France, some of them have had absolute n6 Familiar Letters. Book I. absolute and supreme Governors, some subaltern and sub- ject to a superior Power. Among the rest, the Earls of Flanders and Holland were most considerable ; but of them two he of Holland being homageable to none, and having Friesland and Zealand added, was the more potent. In pro- cess of time all the seventeen met in one; some by Conquest, others by Donation and Legacy, but most by Alliance. In the House of Burgundy this Union receiv'd most growth, but in the House of Austria it came to its full perfection ; for in Charles V. they all met as so many Lines drawn from the circumference to the centre; who, lording as supreme Head not only over the fifteen temporal, but the two spiri- tual, Liege and Utrecht, had a Design to reduce them to a Kingdom, which his Son Philip II. attempted after him: But they could not bring their intents home to their Aim ; the cause is imputed to that multiplicity and difference of privileges which they are so eager to maintain, and whereof some cannot stand with a Monarchy without Incongruity. Philip II. at his Inauguration was sworn to observe them, and at his departure he oblig'd himself by an Oath to send still one of his own Blood to govern them : Moreover, at the Request of the Knights of the Golden Fleece, he promised that all foreign Soldiers should retire, and that he himself would come to visit them once every seventh year; but being once gone, and leaving in lieu of a Sword a Distaff, an unwieldly Woman to govern, he came not only short of his Promise, but procur'd a Dispensation from the Pope to be absolv'd of his Oath, and all this by the counsel of Cardinal Granvill, who, as the States Chronicler writes, was the first Firebrand that kindled that lamentable and longsome War wherein the Netherlands have traded above fifty years in Blood : For, intending to increase the Number of Bishops, to establish the Decrees of the Council of Trent, and to clip the Power of the Council of State compos'd of the Natives of the Land, by making it appealable to the Council of Spain, and by adding to the former Oath of Allegiance (all which conduc'd to settle the Inquisi- tion, Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. 117 tion and to curb the Conscience), the broils began ; to appease which Ambassadors were dispatch'd to Spain, whereof the two first came to violent deaths, the one being beheaded, the other poison'd. But the two last, Egmond and Horn, were nourish'd still with Hopes, until Philip II. had prepared an Army under the conduct of the Duke of Alva, to compose the difference by Arms. For as soon as he came to the Government, he established the Bloetrad, as the Complainants term'd it, a Council of Blood, made up most of Spaniards : Egmond and Horn were appre- hended, and afterwards beheaded ; Citadels were erected, and the Oath of Allegiance, with the political Government of the Country, in divers things alter'd. This pour'd Oil on the Fire formerly kindled, and put all in combustion : The Prince of Orange retires; thereupon his eldest Son was surpriz'd, and sent as Hostage to Spain, and above 5000 Families quit the Country ; many Towns revolted, but were afterwards reduc'd to obedience : which made the Duke of Alva say. That the Netherlands appertain'd to the King of Spain not only by Descent, but Conquest ; and for cumble of his Vic- tories, when he attempted to impose the tenth Penny for maintenance of the Garrisons in the Citadels he had erected at Grave, Utrecht, and Antwerp (where he caus'd his Statue made of Cannon-hrass to be erected, trampling the Belgians under his feet), all the Towns withstood this Imposition: So that at last matters succeeding ill with him, and having had his Cousin Pacecio hang'd at Flushing-Ga.tes, after he had trac'd out the Platform of a Citadel in that Town also, he receiv'd Letters of Revocation from Spain. Him succeeded Don Luys de Requiluis, who came short of his Predecessor in Exploits; and dying suddenly in the Field, the Govern- ment was invested for a time in the Council of State: The Spanish Soldiers being without a Head, gather'd together to the number of 1600, and committed such Outrages up and down, that they were proclaim'd Enemies to the State. Hereupon the Pacification of Ghent was transacted, whereof among other Articles one was. That all foreign Soldiers should ii8 Familiar Letters. Book I. should quit the Country. This was ratified by the King, and observ'd by Don John of Austria, who succeeded in the Government; yet Don John retain'd the Landskneghts at his devotion still for some secret Design, and, as some conjectur'd, for the Invasion of England; he kept the Spaniards also still hovering about the frontiers ready upon all occasions. Certain Letters were intercepted that made a Discovery of some Projects, which made the War to bleed afresh ; Don John was proclaim'd Enemy to the State : So the Archduke Matthias was sent for, who, being a Man of small performance, and improper for the times, was dismiss'd, but upon honourable Terms. Don John a little after dies, and, as some gave out, of the Pox ; then comes in the Duke of Parma, a Man as of a different nation, being an Italian, so of a differing temper and more moderate spirit, and of greater performance than all the rest ; for, whereas all the Provinces except Luxemhurg and Hainault had revolted, he reduc'd Ghent, Tonrney, Bruges, Malines, Brussels, Antwerp (which three last he beleaguer'd at one time), and divers other great Towns to the Spanish obe- dience again. He had 60,000 Men in pay, and the choicest which Spain and Italy could afford. The French and English Ambassadors, interceding for a Peace, had a short Answer of Philip II., who said that he needed not the help of any to reconcile himself to his own Subjects and reduce them to Conformity ; but the difference that was he would refer to his Cousin the Emperor : Hereupon the business was agitated at Colen, where the Spaniard stood as high a-tiptoe as ever, and notwithstanding the vast expence of treasure and blood he had been at for so many years, and that matters began to exasperate more and more, which were like to prolong the Wars in injinitum, he would abate nothing in point of Ecclesiastick Government. Hereupon the States perceiv'd that King Philip could not be wrought either by the sollicitations of other Princes, or their own supplications so often reiterated, that they might enjoy the freedom of Religion, with other infranchisements ; and finding Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. 119 finding him inexorable^ being incited also by the Ban which was published against the Prince of Orange, that whosoever kill'd him should have 5000 Crowns, they at last absolutely renounced and abjured the King of Spain for their Sovereign : They broke his Seals, chang'd the Oath of Allegiance, and fled to France for shelter ; they inaugurated the Duke of Anjo2i (recommended to them by the Queen of England, to whom he was a Suitor) for their Prince, who attempted to render himself absolute, and so thought to surprize Ant- werp, where he receiv'd an ill-favour'd repulse ; yet neverthe- less the United Provinces, for so they term'd themselves ever after, fearing to distaste their next great Neighbour France, made a second Proffer of their Protection and Sovereignty to that King, who having too many irons in the fire at his own home, the League growing stronger and stronger, he answer'd 'em, That the Shirt was nearer to him than his Doublet. Then had they recourse to Queen Elizabeth, who, partly for her own security, partly for Interest in Religion, reach'd them a supporting hand, and so sent them Men, Money, and a Governor, the Earl of Leicester, who not symbolizing with their humour, was quickly revok'd, yet without any outward dislike on the Queen's side, for she left her Forces still with them, but upon their expence : she lent them afterwards some considerable sums of moneys, and she receiv'd Flushing and Brill for caution. Ever since the English have been the best sinews of their war, and achievers of the greatest exploits amongst them. Having thus made sure work with the English, they made young Count Maurice their Governor, who for twenty-five years together held task with the Spaniard, and during those traverses of War was very fortunate : an overture of peace was then propounded, which the States would not hearken to singly with the King of Spain, unless the Provinces that yet re- main'd under him would engage themselves for the per- formance of what was articled; besides, they would not treat either of Peace or Truce, unless they were declared Free States, all which was granted : so by the intervention of the English I20 Familiar Letters. Book I. English and French Ambassadors, a Truce was concluded for twelve years. These Wars did so drain and discommodate the King of Spain, by reason of his distance (every Soldier that he sent either from Spain or Italy costing him near upon lOO Crowns before he could be render'd in Flanders), that not- withstanding his Mines of Mexico and Peru, it plung'd him so deeply in debt, that, having taken up Moneys in all the chief Banks of Christendom, he was forced to publish a Diploma, wherein he dispensed with himself (as the Holland Story hath it) from payment, alledging that he had employ'd those Moneys for the publick Peace of Christendom : this broke many great Bankers, and they say his credit was not current in Sevil or Lisbon, his own Towns ; and which was worse, while he stood wrestling thus with his own Subjects, the Turk took his opportunity to take from him Tunis and the Goletta, the Trophies of Charles V., his Father. So eager he was in this quarrel, that he employ'd the utmost of his strength and industry to reduce his People to his Will ; in regard he had an intent to make these Provinces his main Randevous and Magazine of Men of War ; which his Neighbours perceiving, and that he had a kind of aim to be Western Monarch, being led not so much for love as reasons of State, they stuck close to the revolted Provinces ; and this was the Bone that Secretary Walsingham told Ql. Elizabeth he would cast the K. of Spain, that should last him twenty years, and perhaps make his teeth shake in his head. But to return to my first discourse, whence this Digres- sion hath snatch'd me: The Netherlands, who had been formerly knit and concentred under one Sovereign Prince, were thus dismember'd ; and as they subsist now, thev are a State and a Province: The Province, having ten of the seventeen at least, is far greater, more populous, better soiled, and more stor'd with Gentry. The State is the richer and stronger, the one proceeding from their vast Navigation and Commerce, the other from the quality of their Country, being Sect. 1. Familiar Letters. 121 being defensible by Rivers and Sluices, by means whereof they can suddenly overwhelm all the whole Country : wit- ness that stupendous Siege of Leyden and Haerlem; for most of their Towns, the marks being taken away, are inaccessible, by reason of shelves of Sands. Touching the transaction of these Provinces, which the K. of Spain made as a Dowry to the Archduke Alhertus, upon marriage with the Infanta (who thereupon left his red Hat and Toledo Mitre, the chiefest spiritual Dignity in Christendom for revenue, after the Papacy), it was fring'd with such cautelous restraints, that he was sure to keep the better end of the staff still to himself; for he was to have the tutele and ward of his Children, that they were to marry with one of the Austrian Family recommended by Spain, and in default of Issue, and in case Alhertus should survive the Infanta, he should be but Governor only : add hereunto, that K. Philip reserv'd still to himself all the Citadels and Castles, with the Order of the Golden Fleece, whereof he is Master, as he is Duke of Burgimdy. The Archduke for the Time hath a very princely Com- mand ; all Coins bear his Stamp, all Placarts or Edicts are published in his Name; he hath the Election of all civil Officers and Magistrates ; he nominates also Bishops and Abbots, for the Pope hath only the confirmation of them here; nor can he adjourn any out of the Country to answer anything, neither are his Bulls of any strength without the Prince's Placet, which makes him have always some Commissioners to execute his Authority. The People here grow hotter and hotter in the Roman Cause, by reason of the mixture with Spaniards and Italians ; and also by the example of the Archduke and the Infanta, who are devout in an intense degree. There are two supreme Councils, the Privy-Council and that of the State; this treats of Confederations and Intelligence with foreign Princes, of Peace and War, of entertaining or of dismissing Colonels and Captains, of Fortifications ; and they have the Super- intendency of the highest Affairs that concern the Prince and 122 Familiar Letters. Book I. and the Policy of the Prov'mces : The Primate hath the granting of all Patents and Requests, the publishing of all Edicts and Proclamations, the prizing of Coin, the looking to the Confines and Extent of the Provinces, and the enact- ing of all new Ordinances. Of these two Councils there is never a Spajiiard, but in the actual Council of War their Voices are predominant: There is also a Court of Finances or Exchequer, whence all they that have the fingring of the King's Money must draw a Discharge. Touching matters of Justice, their Law is mix'd betwixt Civil and Common, with some Clauses of Canonical. The High Court of Parliament is at Malines, whither all civil Causes may be brought by Appeal from other Towns, except some that have municipal Privileges and are Sovereign in their own Jurisdictions, as Mons in Hainalt, and a few more. The prime Province for Dignity is Brabant, which, among many other Privileges it enjoys, hath this for one, not to appear upon any Summons out of its own Precinct; which is one of the reasons why the Prince makes his residence there : but the prime, for extent and fame, is Flanders, the chiefest Earldom in Christendom, which is three days' journey in length ; Ghent, its Metropolis, is reputed the greatest Town of Europe, whence arose the Proverb, Les flamene tient un Gan, qui tiendra Paris dedans. But the beautifullest, richest, strongest, and most privileged City is Antwerp in Brabant, being the Marquisate of the Holy Empire, and drawing near to the nature of a Haris Town, for she pays the Prince no other Tax but the Impost. Before the Dissociation of the seventeen Provijices, this Town was one of the greatest Marts of .Europe and greatest Bank this side the Alps ; most Princes having their Factors here, to take up or let out Moneys : and here our Gresham got all his Wealth, and built our Royal Exchange by model of that here. The Merchandize brought hither from Germany, France, and Italy by Land, and from England, Spain, and the Hans-Towns by Sea, was estimated at above twenty Millions of Crowns every year: but as no violent thing Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. 123 thing is long lasting, and as 'tis fatal to all Kingdoms, States, Towns, and Languages to have their period, so this renown'd Mart hath suffer'd a shrewd Eclipse, yet no utter downfal ; the exchange of the King of Spai?i's Money and some small Land-traffic keeping still Life in her, tho' nothing so full of Vigor as it was. Therefore there is no Town under the Archduke where the States have more conceal'd Friends than in ylntwerp, who would willingly make them her Masters, in hope to recover her former Com- merce; which after the last twelve years' Truce began to revive a little, the States permitting to pass by Lillo's Sconce, which commands the River Scheld, and lieth in the teeth of the Town, some small cross-sail'd Ships to pass hither : There is no place hath been more passive than this, and more often pillaged; among other times she was once plun- der'd most miserably by the Spaniards under the conduct of a Priest, immediately on Don John of Austria^ s death ; she had then her Stadt-house burnt, which had cost a few years before above 20,000 Crowns the building; and the spoils that were carried away thence amounted to forty tuns of gold : thus she was reduced not only to poverty, but a kind of captivity, being commanded by a Citadel, which she pre- ferr'd before a Garrison. This made the merchants retire and seek a more free Randevous, some in Zealand, some in Holland, especially in Amsterdam, which rose upon the fall of this Town, as Lisbon did from Fenice upon the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope, tho' Venice be not near so much crestfallen. I will now steer my discourse to the United Provinces, as they term themselves, which are six in number, viz., Hol- land, Zealand, Friesland, Overyssel, Grojiniglien, and Utrecht, three parts of Gelderland, and some Frontier Towns and Places of contribution in Brabant and Flanders : In all these there is no innovation at all introduced, notwithstanding this great change in point of Government, except that the College of States represent the Duke or Earl in times past ; which College consists of the chiefest Gentry of the Country, Superintendants 124 Familiar Letters. Book I. Superintendants of Towns, and the principal Magistrates: Every Province and great Town chuse yearly certain De- puties, to whom they give plenary power to deliberate with the other States of all affairs touching the publick welfare of the whole Province ; and what they vote stands for Law. These being assembled, consult all matters of State, Justice, and War; the Advocate who is prime in the Assembly propounds the business, and after collects the suffrages, first of the Provinces, then of the Towns ; which being put in form, he delivers in pregnant and moving speeches; and in case there be a dissonance and reluctancy of opinions, he labours to accord and reconcile them ; con- cluding always with the major Voices. Touching the administration of Justice, the President, who is monthly chang'd, with the great Council, have the supreme Judicature ; from whose Decrees there is no appeal, but a revision; and then some of the choicest Lawyers among them are appointed. For their Oppidan Government, they have variety of Officers, a Scout, Burgmasters, a Balue, and Froetschoppe?is : The Scout is chosen by the States, w ho with the Balues have the judging of all criminal matters in last resort without appeal ; they have also the determining of civil Causes, but those are appealable to the Hague. Touching their chiefest Governor (or General rather now), having made proof of the Spaniard, German, French, and English, and agreeing with none of them, they alighted at last upon a Man of their own mould. Prince Maurice, now their General ; in whom concurr'd divers parts suitable to such a charge, having been train'd up in the Wars by his Father, who, with three of his Uncles and divers of his Kindred, sacrificed their Lives in the States Quarrel : he hath thriven well since he came to the Government; he clear'd Friesland, Overyssel, and Gro- ?iincren in less than eighteen months : He hath now continued their Governor and General by Sea and Land above thirty- three years; he hath the election of Magistrates, the pardoning of Malefactors, and divers other Prerogatives ; yet they are short Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. 125 short of the reach of Sovereignty, and of the Authority of the antient Counts of Holland: Tho' I cannot say 'tis a mercenary employment, yet he hath a limited allowance; nor hath he any implicit command when he goes to the field, for either the Council of War marcheth with him, or else he receives daily directions from them: moreover, the States themselves reserve the power of nominating all Com- manders in the Army, which being of sundry Nations, de- prive him of those advantages he might have to make him- self absolute. Martial Discipline is nowhere so regular as among the States; nowhere are there lesser insolences com- mitted upon the Burgher, nor robberies upon the Country Boors; nor are the Officers permitted to insult over the common Soldier: When the Army marcheth, not one dares take so much as an apple off a tree or a root out of the earth in their Passage ; and the reason is, they are punctu- ally paid their Pay, or else I believe they would be insolent enough ; and were not the Pay so certain, I think few or none would serve them. They speak of 60,000 they have in perpetual Pay by Land a-nd Sea, at home, and in the Indies: The King of France was used to maintain a Regi- ment, but since Henry the Creates death the Payment hath been neglected. The means they have to maintain these Forces, to pay their Governor, to discharge all other ex- pence, as the preservation of their Dikes, which comes to a vast expence yearly, is the antient revenue of the Counts of Holland, the impropriate Church-livings, Imposts upon all Merchandise, which is greater upon exported than imported Goods ; Excise upon all Commodities, as well for necessity as pleasure; Taxes upon every Acre of Ground, which is such, that the whole Country returns into their hands every three years : Add hereunto the Art they use in their Bank by the rise and fall of Money, the fishing upon our Coasts, whither they send every Autumn above 700 Hulks or Busses, which in the Voyages they make return above a Million in Herrings ; moreover, their fishing for green Fish and Salmon amounts to so much more ; and for their Cheese and Butter, 'tis 126 Familiar Letters. Book I. 'tis thought they vent as much every year as Lisbon doth Spices. This keeps the common Treasury always full, that upon any extraordinary service or design there is seldom any new Tax upon the People. Traffic is their general Pro- fession, being all either Merchants or Mariners ; and having no Land to manure, they furrow the Sea for their living : and this universality of Trade, and their Banks of Adven- tures, distributes the Wealth so equally, that few among them are exceeding rich or exceeding poor ; Gentry among them is very thin, and as in all Democracies, little respected, and coming to dwell in Towns, they soon mingle with the Merchant, and so degenerate : Their Soil being all 'twixt Marsh and Meadow, is so fat in pasturage that one Cow will give eight Quarts of Milk a day; so that, as a Boor told me, in four little dorps near Harlem 'tis thought there is as much Milk milk'd in the year as there is Rhenish-Wine brought to Dort, which is the sole Staple of it. Their Towns are beautiful and neatly built, and with uniformity, that who sees one, sees all : In some Places, as in Amsterdam, the Foundation costs more than the Superstructure, for the Ground being soft, they are constrained to ram in huge Stakes of Timber (with Wool about it to preserve it from Putrefaction) till they come to a firm Basis ; so that, as one said. Whosoever could see Amsterdam under ground should see a huge Winter- Forest. Among all the confederate Provinces, Holland is most predominant, which, being but six hours' Journey in breadth, contains forty-nine wall'd Towns, and all these within a day's Journey one of another. Amsterdam for the present is one of the greatest mercantil Towns in Europe. To her is appropriated the East and West-India Trade, whither she sends yearly forty great Ships, with another Fleet to the Baltic Sea; but they send not near so many to the Mediterranean as England : Other Towns are passably rich, and stor'd with Shipping, but not one very poor; which proceeds from the wholesome Policy they use, to assign every Town some firm Staple Commodity; as to (their Maiden-Town Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. 127 Maiden-Town) Dort the German Wines and Corn, to Middehourgh the French and Spanish Wines, to Trevere (the Prince of Orange's Town) the Scots Trade : Ley den, in recompense of her long Siege, was erected to an University, which with Franiker in Friesland is all they have ; Harlem for Knitting and Weaving hath some Privilege ; Rotterdam hath the English Cloth : and this renders their Towns so equally rich and populous. They allow free harbour to all Nations, with liberty of Religion (the Roman only excepted) as far as the Jew, who hath two Synagogues allow'd him, but only in Amsterdam ; which piece of Policy they borrow of the Fenetian, with whom they have very intimate intelligence : only the Jews in Venice, in Rome, and other places go with some outward Mark of Distinc- tion, but here they wear none : and these two Republics, that in the East and this in the JVest, are the two Remora's, that stick to the great Vessel of Spain, that it cannot sail to the Western Monarchy. I have been long in the Survey of these Provinces, yet not long enough, for much more might be said, which is fitter for a Story than a Survey : I will conclude with a mot or two of the People, whereof some have been renown'd in time past for Feats of War. Among the States, the Hollander or Batavian hath been most known, for some of the Roman Emperors have had a selected Guard of them about their Persons for their Fidelity and Valour, as now the King of France hath of the Swisse. The Frisians also have been famous for those large Privileges wherewith Charlemain endow'd them ; the Flemins also have been illustrious for the martial Exploits they achiev'd in the East, where two of the Earls of Flanders were crown'd Emperors. They have all a Genius inclin'd to Commerce, very intentive and witty in Manufactures, witness the Art of Printing, Painting, and Colouring in Glass ; those curious Quadrants, Chimes, and Dials, those kind of Waggons which are used up and down Christendom, were first used by them; and for the Mariner's Compass, tho' the matter be disputable 'twixt the 128 Familiar Letters. Book I. the Neapolitan, the Portugal, and them, yet there is a strong argument on their side, in regard they were the first that subdivided the four Cardinal Winds to two and thirty, others naming them in their Language. There is no part of Europe so haunted with all sorts of Foreigners as the Netherlands, which makes the Inhabitants, as well Women as Men, so well vers'd in all sorts of Lan- guages, so that in Exchange-time one may hear seven or eight sorts of Tongues spoken upon their Bourses : nor are the Men only expert herein, but the Women and Maids also in their common Hostries ; and in Holland the Wives are so well vers'd in Bargaining, Cyphering, and Writing, that in the absence of their Husbands in long Sea-voyages they beat the Trade at home, and their Words will pass in equal Credit : These Women are wonderfully sober, tho' their Husbands make commonly their Bargains in drink, and then are they more cautelous. This confluence of Strangers makes them very populous, which was the cause that Charles the Emperor said. That all the Netherlands seem'd to him but as one continued Town. He and his Grandfather Maximilian, notwithstanding the choice of Kingdoms they had, kept their Courts most frequently in them, which shew'd how highly they esteem'd them ; and I believe, if Philip n. had visited them sometimes, Matters had not gone so ill. There is no part of the Earth, considering the small Cir- cuit of Country, which is estimated to be but as big as the fifth part of Italy, where one may find more differing Cus- toms, Tempers and Humours of People than in the Nether- lands : The Walloon is quick and sprightful, accostable and full of Compliment, and gaudy in Apparel, like his next Neighbour the French : The Fleming and Brabanter, some- what more slow and more sparing of Speech : The Hollander slower than he, more surly and respectless of Gentry and Strangers, homely in his clothing, of very few words, and heavy in action ; which may be well imputed to the quality of the Soil, which works so strongly upon the Humours, that Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. 129 that when People of a more vivacious and nimble Temper come to mingle with them, their Children are observ'd to partake rather of the Soil than the Sire : and so it is in all Animals besides. Thus have I huddled up some Observations of the how- Countries, beseeching your Lordship would be pleased to pardon the Imperfections, and correct the Errors of them; for I know none so capable to do it as your Lordship, to whom I am — A most humble and ready Servitor, J. H. Antwerp, i May, 1622. XVL To my Brother, Mr. Hugh Penry, upon his Marriage. Sir, YOU have had a good while the Interest of a Friend in me, but you have me now in a straiter Tie, for I am your Brother by your late Marriage, which hath turn'd Friendship into an Alliance ; you have in your Arms one of my dearest Sisters, who I hope, nay I know will make a good Wife. I heartily congratulate this Marriage, and pray that a Blessing may descend upon it from that Place where all Marriages are made, which is from Heaven, the Fountain of all Felicity: to this Prayer, I think it no Pro- phaness to add the Saying of the Lyric Poet Horace, in whom I know you delight much ; and I send it you as a kind of Epithalamium, and wish it may be verify'd in you both : — Foelices ter c^* af/iplius Quos irTiipta tenet copula, nee malis Divulsus qtieri?nonus Suprema citius solvet amor die. Thus English'd : — That Couple's more than trebly blest, Which nuptial Bonds do so combine, That no distaste can them untwine, Till the last day send both to rest. So, my dear Brother, I much rejoice for this Alliance, I and 130 Familiar Letters. Book I. and wish you may increase and multiply to your Heart's content. — Your affectionate Brother, J. H. 20 May 1622. XVII. To my Brother, Doctor Y{o^t\\,from Brussels. Sir, I HAD yours in Latin at Rotterdam, whence I cor- responded with you in the same Language ; I heard, tho* not from you, since I came to Brussels, that our Sister ^nwe is lately marry'd to Mr. Hugh Penry : I am heartily glad of it, and wish the rest of our Sisters were so well bestow'd; for I know Mr. Penry to be a Gentleman of a great deal of solid Worth and Integrity, and one that will prove a great Husband and a good Oeconomist. Here is News that Mansfelt hath receiv'd a foil lately in Germany, and that the Duke of Brunswick, alias Bishop of Halverstadt, hath lost one of his Arms: this makes them vapour here extremely, and the last Week I heard of a Play the Jesuits of Antwerp made, in derogation, or rather de- rision of the Proceedings of the Prince Palsgrave, where, among divers other Passages, they feign'd a Post to come puffing upon the Stage; and being ask'd what news, he answer'd, how the Palsgrave was like to have shortly a huge formidable Army, for the King of Denmark was to send him 100,000, the Hollanders 100,000, and the King of Great Britain 100,000; but being ask'd thousands of what? he reply'd,The first would send 100,000 Red Herrings, the second 100,000 Cheeses, and the last 100,000 Ambassadors; allud- ing to Sir Richard Weston, and Sir Edward Conway, my Lord Carlisle, Sir Arthur Chichester, and lastly the Lord Dighy, who have been all employ'd in quality of Ambassadors in less than two years, since the beginning of these German Broils. Touching the last, having been with the Emperor and the Duke of Bavaria, and carry'd himself with such high Wisdom in his Negotiations with the one, and Stout- ness with the other, and having preserv'd Count Mansfelt's Troops Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. 131 Troops from disbanding, by pawning his own Argentry and Jewels, he pass'd this way, where they say the Arch- duke did esteem him more than any Ambassador that ever was in this Court; and the Report yet is very fresh of his high Abilities. We are to remove hence in Coach towards Paris the next week, where we intend to winter, or hard by. When you have opportunity to write to Wales, I pray present my duty to my Father, and my love to the rest ; and pray remember me also to all at the Hill and the Dale, especially to that most virtuous Gentleman, Sir John Franklin. So, my dear Brother, I pray God continue and improve His Bless- ings to us both, and bring us again together with comfort. — Your Brother, , J. H. \o June 1622. XVIII. To Dr. Tho. Prichard, ai Worcester-House. Sir, C'RIENDSHIP is the great Chain oj human Society, and intercourse of Letters is one of the chief est links of that Chain: you know this as well as I; therefore I pray let our Friendship, let our Love, that nationality of British Love, that virtuous tie of Academic Love, be still strengthened (as heretofore) and receive daily more and more Vigor. I am now in Paris, and there is weekly opportunity to receive and send : and if you please to send, you shall be sure to receive, for I make it a kind of Religion to be punctual in this kind of Payment. I am heartily glad to hear that you are become a domestic Member to that most noble Family of the Worcesters, and I hold it to be a very good Founda- tion for future Preferment ; I wish you may be as happy in them, as I know they will be happy in you. France is now barren of News, only there was a shrewd Brush lately 'twixt the young King and his Mother, who having the Duke of Epernon and others for her Champions, met him in open Field about Pont de C^, but she went away with the worst 132 Familiar Letters. Book I. worst; such was the rare dutifulness of the King, that he forgave her upon his Knees, and pardon'd all her Complices: and now there is an universal Peace in this Country, which 'tis thought will not last long, for there is a War intended against them of the Reform'd Religion ; for this King, tho' he be slow in Speech, yet he is active in Spirit, and loves Motion. I am here comrade to a gallant young Gentle- man, my old Acquaintance, who is full of excellent Parts, which he hath acquired by a choice breeding, the Baron his Father gave him, both in the University, and in the Inns of Court; so that, for the time, I envy no Man's happiness. So, with my hearty Commends, and much endear'd Love unto you, I rest — Yours whiles _ Jam. Howell. Paris, ;^ Aug. 162 1. XIX. To the Honourable Sir Tho. Savage {after Lord Savage), at his House upon Tower-Hill. Honourable Sir, THOSE many undeserved Favours for which I stand obliged to your self and my noble Lady, since the time I had the happiness to come first under your roof, and the command you pleased to lay upon me at my departure thence, call upon me at this time to give you account how Matters pass in France. That which for the present affords most plenty of News, is Rochell, which the King threateneth to block up this Spring with an Army by Sea, under the Command of the Duke of Nevers, and by a Land Army under his own Con- duct : both sides prepare, he to assault, the Rochellers to defend. The King declares that he proceeds not against them for their Religion, which he is still contented to tolerate, but for holding an Assembly against his Declara- tions. They answer, That their Assembly is grounded upon His Majesty's Royal Warrant, given at the dissolution of the last Assembly at Lodun, where he solemnly gave his word. Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. 133 word, to permit them to re-assemble when they would six months after, if the Breaches of their Liberty and Grievances which they then propounded were not redress'd ; and they say, this being unperform'd, it stands not with the sacred Person of a King to violate his Promise, being the first that ever he made them. The King is so incens'd against them, that their Deputies can have neither access to his Person, nor audience of his Council, as they stile themselves the Deputies of the Assembly at Rochell ; but if they say they come from the whole Body of them of tht pretended Reforrrid Religion, he will hear them. The Breach between them is grown so wide, that the King resolves on a Siege. This Resolution of the King is much fomented by the Roman Clergy; especially by the Celestines, who have 200,000 Crowns of Gold in the Arsenal of Paris, which they would sacrifice all to this Service ; besides, the Pope sent him a Bull to levy what Sums he would of the Gallican Church, for the advancement of his Design. This Resolution also is much push'd on by the Gentry, who, besides the particular Employments and Pay they shall receive hereby, are glad to have their young King train'd up in Arms, to make him a martial Man : but for the Merchant and poor Peasant, they tremble at the Name of this War, fearing their Teeth should be set on edge with those soure Grapes their Fathers tasted in the time of the League; for if the King begins with Rochell, 'tis fear'd all the four Corners of the Kingdom will be set on fire. Of all the Towns of surety which they of the Religion hold, Rochell is the chiefest, a Place strong by Nature, but stronger by Art. It is a maritime Town, and landward they can by Sluices drown a League's distance ; 'tis fortify'd with mighty thick Walls, Bastions, and Counterscarps, and those according to the modern Rules of Enginry. This, among other cautionary Towns, was granted by Henry IV. to them of the Religion for a certain term of years; which being expir'd, the King saith they are devolv'd again to the Crown, and so demands them. They of the Religion pretend 134 Familiar Letters. Book I. pretend to have divers Grievances ; first, they have not been paid these two years the 160,000 Crowns which the last King gave them annually, to maintain their Ministers and Garrisons: They complain of the King's Carriage lately at Beam [Heiiry the Qreat's Country), which was merely Protestant, where he hath introduced two years since the publick Exercise of the Mass, which had not been sung there fifty years before; he alter'd also there the Govern- ment of the Country, and in lieu of a FiceroT/, left a Governor only: And whereas Navarrin was formerly a Court of Parliament for the whole Kingdom of Navar (that's under Fraiice), he hath put it down and publish'd an Edict, That the Navarrois should come to Toulouse, the chief Town of Languedoc ; and lastly, he left behind him a Garrison in the said Town of Navarrin. These and other Grievances they of the Religion proposed to the King lately, desiring His Majesty would let them enjoy still those Pri- vileges his Predecessor Henry III. and his Father HeJiry IV. aflforded them by Act of Pacification : But he made them a short Answer, That what the one did in this Point, he did it out of fear ; what the other did, he did it out of love ; but he would have them know, that he neither lov'd them nov fear d them : so the business is like to bleed sore on both sides ; nor is there yet any appearance of prevention. There was a Scuffle lately here 'twixt the D. of Nevers and the Cardinal of Guise, who have had a long Suit in Law about an Abbey; and meeting the last Week about the Palace, from Words they fell to Blows, the Cardinal struck the Duke first, and so were parted ; but in the Afternoon there appear'd on both sides no less than 3000 Horse in a Field hard by, which shews the populousness and sudden strength of this huge City : but the Matter was taken up by the King himself!, and the Cardinal clapt up in the Bastile, where the King saith he shall abide to ripen ; for he is but young, and they speak of a Bull that is to come from Rome to decardinalize him. I fear to have trespass'd too much upon your Patience, therefore I will conclude Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. 135 conclude for the present, but will never cease to profess my self — Your thrice humble and ready Servitor, J. H. Paris, 1 8 Aug. 1622. XX. To D. Caldwall, Esq., from Poissy. MV DEAR D., TO be free from English, and to have the more con- veniency to fall close to our business, Mr. Altham and I are lately retir'd from Paris to this Town of Poissy, a pretty genteel place at the Foot of the great Forest of St. Germain upon the River Sequana, and within a mile of one of the King's chiefest standing Houses, and about fifteen miles from Paris. Here is one of the prime Nunneries of all France. Lewis IX., who in the Catalogue of the French Kings, is call'd St. Lewis, which Title was confirm'd by the Pope, was baptiz'd in this little Town ; and after his return from Egypt and other places against the Saracens, being ask'd by what Title he would be distinguish'd from the rest of his Predecessors after his death, he answer'd. That he desir'd to be call'd Lewis of Poissy. Reply being made, that there were divers other Places and Cities of renown, where he had perform'd brave Exploits, and obtain'd famous Victories, therefore it was more fitting that some of those places should denominate him : No, said he, I desire to be call'd Lewis of Poissy, because there I got the most glorious Victory that ever I had, for there I overcame the Devil; meaning he was christen'd there. I sent you from Antwerp a silver Dutch Table-book, I desire to hear of the receipt of it in your next: I must desire you (as I did once at Rouen) to send me a dozen pair of the whitest Kidskin gloves for Women, and half a dozen pair of Knives, by the Merchant's Post ; and if you want anything that France can afford, I hope you know what Power you have to dispose of — Yours, J. H. 7 Sep. 1622. XXI. 136 Familiar Letters. Book /. XXI. To my Father, yVom Paris. SIR, I was afraid I should never have had Ability to write to you again, I had lately such a dangerous Fit of Sickness; but I have now pass'd the Brunt of it, God hath been pleas'd to reprieve me, and reserve me for more days, which I hope to have Grace to number better. Mr. Altham and I having retir'd to a small Town from Paris, for more privacy, and sole conversation with the nation, I ty'd myself to a task for the reading of so many books in such a compass of time ; and thereupon, to make good my word to myself, I us'd to watch many nights together, tho' it was in the depth of Winter ; but returning to this Town, I took cold in the head^ and so that mass of rheum which had gather'd by my former watching, return'd to an impos- thume in my head, whereof I was sick above forty days : at the end they cauteriz'd and made an issue in my cheek, to make vent for the imposthume, and that sav'd my life. At first they let me blood, and I parted with above fifty ounces in less than a fortnight; for Phlebotomy is so much practis'd here, that if one's little finger ache, they presently open a vein ; and to balance the blood on both sides, thev usually let blood in both arms. And the commonness of the thing seems to take away all fear, insomuch that the very Women, when they find themselves indispos'd, will open a vein themselves; for they hold, that the blood, which hath a circulation, and fetcheth a round every twenty-four hours about the body, is quickly repair'd again. I was eighteen days and nights that I had no sleep, but short imperfect slumbers, and those too procur'd by potions : the tumor at last came so about the throat, that I had scarce vent left for respiration ; and my body was brought so low with all sorts of Physic, that I appeared like a mere Skeleton. When I was indifferently well recovered, some of the Doctors and Chirurgeons that tended me, gave me a visit; Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. 137 visit; and among other things, they fell into discourse of Wines which was the best, and so by degrees they fell upon other beverages; and one Doctor in the company who had been in England, told me that we have a Drink in England call'd Ale, which he thought was the wholsomest liquor that could go into one's Guts; for whereas the body of Man is supported by two columns, viz., the natural heat and the radical moisture, he said, there is no Drink conduceth more to the preservation of the one, and the increase of the other, than Ale : for while the Englishmen drank only Ale, they were strong, brawny, able Men, and could draw an arrow an ell long; but when they fell to wine and beer, they are found to be much impair'd in their strength and age : so the Ale bore away the bell among the Doctors. The next week we advance our course further into France, towards the river of Loire to Orleans, whence I shall continue to convey my duty to you. In the meantime I humbly crave your blessing, and your acknowledgment to God Almighty for my recovery; be pleas'd further to im- part my love among my brothers and sisters, with all my kinsmen and friends in the Country : So I rest — Your dutiful Son, J. H. 10 Dee. 1622. XXII. To Sir Tho. Savage, Knight and Baronet. Honourable Sir, THAT of the 5th of this present which you pleas'd to send me was receiv'd, and I begin to think myself something more than I was, that you value so much the slender endeavours of my pen to do you service : I shall continue to improve your good opinion of me as opportunity shall serve. Touching the great threats against Rochell, whereof I gave you an ample relation in my last, matters are become now more calm, and rather inclining to an accommodation, for 'tis thought a sum of money will make up the breach; and 138 Familiar Letters. Book I. and to this end some think all these bravado's were made. The D. of Luynes is at last made Ld. High Constable of France, the prime Officer of the Crown ; he hath a peculiar Court to himself, a guard of 100 Men in rich liveries, and 100,000 livres a year Pension. The old D. of Lesdiguieres, one of the ancientest Soldiers in France, and a Protestant, is made his Lieutenant. But in regard all Christendom rings of this Favourite, being the greatest that ever w^as in France, since the Maires of the Palace^ who came to be Kings afterwards, I will send you herein this Legend : He was born in Provence, and is a Gentleman by descent, tho' of a petty Extraction ; in the last King's time he was preferr'd to be one of his Pages, who, finding him industrious, and a good waiter, allow'd him 300 Crowns Pension per an., which he husbanded so well, that he maintain'd himself and his two brothers in passable good fashion therewith. The King observing that, doubled his Pension, and taking notice that he was a serviceable Instrument and apt to please, he thought him fit to be about his Son, in whose service he hath continued above fifteen years ; and he hath flown so high into his Favour by singular dexterity and art he hath in Faulconry, and by shooting at birds flying, wherein the King took great pleasure, that he hath soar'd to this pitch of honour. He is a Man of a passable good understanding and forecast, of a mild comportment, humble and debonair to all, and of a winning conversation ; he hath about him choice and solid heads, who prescribe to him rules of Policy, by whose Com- pass he steers his course, which it's likely will make him subsist long : He is now come to that transcendent altitude, that he seems to have mounted above the reach of Envy, and made all hopes of supplanting him frustrate, both by the politic guidance of his own actions, and the powerful alliances he hath got for himself and his two brothers : He is marry'd to the Duke of Montbazon's Daughter, one of the prime Peers of France; his second Brother Cadenet (who is reputed the wisest of the three) marry'd the Heiress of Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. 139 of Picardy, with whom he had c3€'9000 lands a year ; his third Brother Brand to the great Heiress of Luxemhirgh, of which House there have been five Emperors: so that these three Brothers and their Allies would be able to counterbalance any one Faction in France, the eldest and youngest being made Dukes and Peers of France, the other Marshal. There are lately two Ambassadors extraordinary come hither from Venice about the Valtolin, but their negotiation is at a stand, until the return of an Ambassador extraordinary who is gone to Spain. Ambassadors also are come from the Hague for payment of the French Regiment there, which hath been neglected these ten years; and to know whether his Majesty will be pleas'd to continue their Pay any longer; but their Answer is yet suspended : They have brought news that the seven ships which were built for His Majesty in the Tessel are ready ; to this he answer'd, that he desires to have ten more built ; for he intends to finish that design which his Father had a-foot a little before his Death, to establish a Royal Company of Merchants. This is all the News that France affords for the present, the relation whereof, if it proves as acceptable as my endea- vours to serve you herein are pleasing unto me, T shall esteem myself happy : so, wishing you and my noble Lady con- tinuance of health, and increase of Honour, I rest — Your humble Servitor, J. H. Farts, 15 Dec. 1622. xxni. To Sir John North, Knight. Sir, I CONFESS you have made a perfect conquest of me by your late Favours, and I yield myself your Captive : a day may come that will enable me to pay my ransom ; in the interim, let a most thankful acknowledgment be my Bail and Mainprise. I am now remov'd from off the Sein to the Loire, to the fair Town of Orleans : there was here lately a mixt Proces- sion 140 Familiar Letters. Book I. sion 'twixt Military and Ecclesiastic for the Maid of Orleans, which is perform'd every year very solemnly ; her Statue stands upon the Bridge, and her Clothes are preserv'd to this day, which a young Man wore in the Procession ; which makes me think that her Story, tho' it sound like a Romance, is very true. And I read it thus in two or three Chronicles : When the English had made such firm In- vasions in France, that their Armies had march'd into the heart of the Country, besieged Orleans, and driven Charles VII. to Bourges in Berry, which made him to be call'd, for the time, King of Berry ; there came to his Army a Shep- herdess, one Anne de Arqtie, who with a confident look and language told the King, that she was design'd by Heaven to beat the English, and drive them out of France. Therefore she desired a Command in the Army, which by her extra- ordinary confidence and importunity she obtain'd ; and putting on Man's apparel, she prov'd so prosperous, that the Siege was rais'd from before Orleans, and the English were pursu'd to Paris, and forced to quit that, and driven to Normandy : She us'd to go on with marvellous courage and resolution, and her word was Hara ha : but in Normandy she was taken Prisoner, and the English had a fair revenge upon her, for by an Arrest of the Parliament of Rotie?i she was burnt for a Witch. There is a great business now a-foot in Paris, call'd the Poletie, which, if it take effect, will tend to correct, at leastwise to cover a great Error in the French Government : the custom is, that all the chief places of Justice thro'out all the eight Courts of Parliament in France, besides a great number of other Offices are set to sale by the King, and they return to him, unless the Buyer liveth forty days after his resignation to another. It is now propounded that these casual Offices shall be absolutely hereditary, provided that every Officer pay a yearly revenue to the King, according to the valuation of and perquisites of the Office : this business is now in hot agitation, but the issue is yet doubtful. The last you sent I receiv'd by Vacandary in Paris : So highly Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. 141 highly honouring your excellent Parts and Merit, I rest, now that I understand French indifferently well, no more your [she) Servant, but — Your most faithful Servitor, J. H. Orleans^ 3 Mar. 1622. XXIV. To Sir James Crofts, Knight. Sir, WERE I to freight a Letter with Compliments, this Country would furnish me with variety, but of News a small store at this present; and for Compliment, it is dangerous to use any to you, who have such a piercing Judgment to discern semblances from realities. The Queen-Mother is come at last to Paris, where she hath not been since Ancreh death; the King is also rcturn'd post from Bourdeaux, having travers'd most part of his King- dom : he settled Peace everywhere he pass'd, and quash'd divers Insurrections; and by his obedience to his Mother, and his lenity towards all his Partisans at Vont de Ce, where above 400 were slain, and notwithstanding that he was victorious, yet he gave a general Pardon ; he hath gain'd much upon the affections of his People. His Council of State went ambulatory always with him, and as they say here, never did Men manage things with more wisdom. There is a War questionless a fermenting against the Protestants ; the Duke of Epernon, in a kind of a Rodomon- tado way, desir'd leave of the King to block up Rochell, and in six weeks he would undertake to deliver her to his hands ; but I believe he reckons without his Host. I was told a merry Passage of this little Gascon Duke, who is now the oldest Soldier in France ; having come lately to Paris, he treated with a Pander to procure him a Courtesan, and if she was a Damoisel (a Gentlewoman) he would give so much, and if a Citizen, he would give so much : The Pander did his Office, but brought him a Citizen clad in DamoiseVs apparel, so she and her Maquerel were paid accordingly. The 142 Familiar Letters. Book I. The next day after, some of his Familiars having understood hereof, began to be pleasant with the Duke, and to jeer him, that he being a Vieil Routier, an old try'd Soldier, should suffer himself to be so cozen'd, as to pay for a Citizen after the rate of a Gentlewoman : The little Duke grew half wild hereupon, and commenced an Action of Fraud against the Pander; but what became of it I cannot tell you, but all Paris rang of it. I hope to return now very shortly to England, where, among the rest of my noble Friends, I shall much rejoice to see and serve you, whom I honour with no vulgar affection : So I am — Your true Servitor, J. H. Orleans f 5 Mar. 1622. XXV. To my Cousin, Mr. Will. Martin, at Brussels. Dear Cousin, I FIND you are very punctual in your performances, and a precise observer of the promise you made here to cor- respond with Mr. Alt ham and me by Letters. I thank you for the variety of German News you imparted to me, which was so neatly couch'd and curiously knit together, that your Letter might serve for a pattern to the best Intelligencer. I am sorry the Affairs of the Prince Palsgrave go so un- towardly ; the wheel of War may turn, and that spoke which is now up may down again. For French Occurrences, there is a War certainly intended against them of the Religion here, and there are visible preparations a-foot already : Among others that shrink in the Shoulders at it, the King's Servants are not very well pleas'd with it, in regard, besides Scots and Swissers, there are divers of the King's Servants that are Protestants. If a Man go to ragion' di stato, to reason of State, the French King hath something to justify this design ; for the Protestants being so numerous, and having near upon fifty presidiary wall'd Towns in their hands for caution, they have power to disturb France when they please, and being abetted by a foreign Prince, to give the King Sect. 2. Familiar Letters. 143 King Law ; and you know as well as I^ how they have been made use of to kindle a Fire in France: Therefore rather than they should be utterly suppress'd, I believe the Spaniard himself would reach them his Ragged-staff to defend them. I send you here inclos'd another from Master Altham, who respects you dearly, and we remember'd you lately at la pomme du pin in the best Liquor of the French Grape. I shall be shortly for London, where I shall not rejoice a little to meet you. The English air may confirm what foreign begun, I mean our Friendship and Affections; and in Me (that I may return you in English the Latin Verses Fo?^ sent me) : — As soon a little Ant Shall bib the Ocean dry, A Snail shall creep about the World, E'er these Affections die. So, my dear Cousin, may Virtue be your Guide, and Fortune your Companion. — Yours while Jam, Howell. Paris, 18 Mar. 1622. Section Section III. I. To my Father. Sir, I AM safely return'd now the second time from beyond the Seas, but I have yet no Employment : God and good Friends, I hope, will shortly provide one for me. The Spanish Ambassador, Count Gondomar, doth strongly negotiate a Match 'twixt our Prince and the Infanta of Spain; but at his first Audience there happen'd an ill- favour'd accident (pray God it prove no ill augury), for my Lord of Arundel being sent to accompany him to JVhitehall, upon a Sunday in the afternoon, as they were going over the Terrass, it broke under them, but only one was hurt in the Arm. Gondomar said, that he had not car'd to have dy'd in so good Company : He saith, there is no other way to regain the Palatinate but by this Match, and to settle an eternal Peace in Christendom. The Marquis of Buckingham continueth still in fulness of grace and favour; the Countess his Mother sways also much at Court: she brought Sir Henry Montague from delivering Law on the King's-Bench, to look to his Bags in the Exchequer, for she made him Lord High-Treasurer o{ England; but he parted with his white Staff before the year's end, tho' his Purse had bled deeply for it (above ^€^20,000), which made a Lord of this Land to ask him at his return from Court, Whether he did not find that Wood was extreme dear at Newmarket, for there he received the white Staff. There is now a notable stirring Man in the Place, my Lord Cranfield, who, from walking about the Exchange, is come to sit Chief-Justice in the Chequer- Chamher, Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 145 Chamber^ and to have one of the highest Places at the Council-Table : He is marry'd to one of the Tribe of For- tune, a Kinswoman of the Marquis of Buckingham. Thus there is rising and falling at Court ; and as in our natural pace one foot cannot be up till the other be down, so it is in the affairs of the World commonly, one Man riseth at the fall of another. I have no more to write at this time, but that with tender of my duty to you, I desire a continuance of your Blessing and Prayers. — Your dutiful Son, J. H. Land., 22 Mar. 1622. IT. To the Honourable Mr. John Savage {now Earl q/' Rivers) at Florence. Sir, MY love is not so short but it can reach as far as Florence to find you out, and farther too if occa- sion required ; nor are these affections I have to serve you so dull, but they can clamber o'er the ^Ips and j4ppenin to wait upon you, as they have adventur'd to do now in this paper. I am sorry I was not in London to kiss your hands before you set to Sea, and much more sorry that I had not the happiness to meet you in Holland or Bralant, for we went the very same road, and lay in Dort and Antwerp, in the same lodgings you had lain in a fortnight before. I presume you have by this time tasted of the sweetness of Travel, and that you have wean'd your affections from England for a good while ; you must now think upon home, as (one said) good men think upon Heaven, aiming still to go thither, but not till they finish their course; and yours, I understand, will be three years : in the meantime you must not suffer any melting tenderness of thoughts, or longing desires, to distract or interrupt you in that fair road you are in to Virtue, and to beautify within that comely Edifice which Nature hath built without you. I K know 146 Familiar Letters. Book I. know your Reputation is precious to you, as it should be to every noble Mind ; you have expos'd it now to the hazard, therefore you must be careful it receive no taint at your return, by not answering that expectation which your Prince and noble Parents have of you. You are now under the chiefest clime of Wisdom, fair Italy, the Darling of Nature, the Nurse of Policy, the Theatre of Virtue : But tho' Italy give milk to Virtue with one dug, she often suffers Vice to suck at the other; therefore you must take heed you mistake not the dug: for there is an ill-favour'd Saying, That Inglese Italionato i Diavolo incarnato ; an Englishman Italianate is a Devil incarnate. I fear no such thing of you, I have had such pregnant proofs of your in- genuity, and noble inclinations to virtue and honour : I know you have a mind to both, but I must tell you that you will hardly get the good-will of the latter, unless the ^rst speak a good word for you. When you go to Rome, you may haply see the ruins of two Temples, one dedicated to Virtue, the other to Honour ; and there was no way to enter into the last but thro' the first. Noble Sir, I wish your good very seriously, and if you please to call to memory, and examine the circumstance of things, and my carriage towards you since I had the happiness to be known first to your honourable Family, I know you will conclude that I love and honour you in no vulgar way. My Lord, your Grandfather was complaining lately that he had not heard from you a good while: By the next Shipping to Leghorn, among other things, he intends to send you a whole Brawn in collars. I pray be pleased to remember my affectionate service to Mr. Thomas Savage, and my kind respects to Mr. Bold. For English News, I know this packet comes freighted to you, therefore I forbear at this time to send any. Farewell, noble Heir of Honour, and command always. — Your true Servitor, J. H. Land., 24 Mar. 1622. HI. Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 147 III. To Sir James Crofts, Knight, at St. Osith m Essex. Sir, I HAD yours upon Tuesday last, and whereas you are desirous to know the proceedings of the Parliament I am sorry I must write to you that matters begin to grow boisterous; the King retir'd not long since to Newmarket, not very well pleased, and this week there went thither twelve from the House of Commons, to whom Sir Richard IVeston was the mouth : the King not liking the Message they brought, call'd them his Ambassadors, and in the large Answer which he hath sent to the Speaker, he saith, that he must apply to them a Speech of Queen Elizabeth's to an Ambassador of Poland, Legatum expectavimus, Heraldum accepimus ; We expected an Ambassador, we have receivd a Herald : he takes it not well that they should meddle with the Match 'twixt his Son and the Infanta, alleging an example of one of the Kings of France, who would not marry his Son without the advice of his Parliament; but afterwards the King grew so despicable abroad, that no foreign State would treat with him about anything with- out his Parliament. Sundry other high passages there were as a caveat he gave them, not to touch the honour of the King of Spain, with whom he was so far engaged in a matri- monial Treaty, that he could not go back : he gave them also a check for taking cognisance of those things which had their motion in the ordinary Courts of Justice, and that Sir Edward Coke (tho' these words were not inserted in the Answer), whom he thought to be thejittest Instrument for a Tyrant that ever was in England, should be so bold as to call the Prerogative of the Crown a great Monster. The Parliament after this was not long-liv'd, but broke up in discontent; and upon the point of dissolution, they made a Protest against divers particulars in the aforesaid Answer of His Majesty's. My Lord Digby is preparing for Spain in quality of Ambassador Extraordinary, to perfect the Match 'twixt 148 Familiar Letters. Book I. 'twixt our Prince and the Lady Infanta; in which business Gondomar hath waded already very deep, and been very active, and ingratiated himself with divers Persons of QnaUty, Ladies especially : yet he could do no good upon the Lady Hafton, whom he desir'd lately, that in regard he was her next Neighbour (at Ely-House) he might have the Benefit of her Back-gate to go abroad into the Fields; but she put him oflf with a Compliment : whereupon in a private Audience lately with the King, among other passages of merriment, he told him, that my Lady Hatton was a stra?ige Lady, for she would not suffer her Husband, Sir Ed. Coke, to come in at her fore-door, nor him to go out at her hack- door ; and so related the whole business. He was also dis- patching a Post lately for Spain; and the Post having re- ceiv'd his Packet, and kiss'd his hands, he call'd him back, and told him he had forgot one thing, which was, That when he came to Spain, he should commend him to the Sun, for he had not seen him a great while, and in Spain he should be sure tojind him. So, with my humble service to my Lord of Colchester, I rest — Your most humble Servitor, J. H. Lond., 24 Mar. 1622. IV. To my Brother, Mr. Hugh Penry. Sir, THE Welsh Nag you sent me was deliver'd me in a very good plight, and I give you a thousand thanks for him ; T had occasion lately to try his mettle and his luncs, and every one tells me he is right, and of no mongrel Race, but a true Mountaineer ; for besides his toughness and strength of Lungs up a Hill, he is quickly curry'd, and content with short Commons : I believe he hath not been long a highway traveller; for whereas other Horses, when they pass by an Inn or Alehouse, use to make towards them to give them a friendly visit, this Nag roundly goes on, and scorns to cast as much as a glance upon any of them ; which I know not whether I shall impute it to his ignorance, or height Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 149 height of Spirit ; but conversing with the soft Horses in England, I believe he will quickly be brought to be more courteous. The greatest News we have now, is the return of the Lord Bishop of Landaff, Davenant, IVard, and Belcanqnell, from the Synod of Dort, where the Bishop had precedence given him according to his episcopal dignity. Arminius and Vorstius were sore baited there concerning Predestination, Election, and Reprobation; as also touching Christ's Death, and Man's Redemption by it; then concerning Man's Cor- ruption and Conversion ; lastly, concernin o^ the Persever- ance of the Saints. I shall have shortly the transaction of the Synod. Th& Jesuits have put out a jeering Libel against it, and these two Verses I remember in't : — Dordrecti Synodus "} nodus; chorus integer 1 cBger ; Conventus i ventus ; Sessio stramen 1 Amen. But I will confront this Distich with another I read in France of the Jesuits in the Town of Dole, towards Lorain ; they had a great House given them call'd Uarc {arcum) and upon the River of Loire, Henry IV. gave them Lajleche, Sagittam in Latin, where they have two stately Convents, that is. Bow and Arrow ; whereupon one made these Verses : — Arcum Dola dedit, dedit illis alma sagittam Francia ; qiiis ckorda?n, quam meruere, dabit ? Fair France the Arrow, Dole gave them the Bow ; Who shall the String, which they deserve, bestow ? No more now, but that with my dear Love to my Sister, I rest — Your most affectionate Brother, J. H. Lond.y 16 Apr. 1622. V. To the Lord Viscount Colchester. My GOOD Lord, RECEIVED your Lordship's of the last Week, and according to your command I send here inclos'd the Venetian I 150 Familiar Letters. Book I. Venetian Gazette : for foreign Aviso's they write that Mans- felt hath been beaten out of Germany, and is come to Sedan, and 'tis thought the Duke of Bovillon will set him up again with a new Army : Marquis Spinola hath newly sat down before Berghen op zoom; Your Lordship knows well what consequence that Town is of, therefore it is likely this will be a hot Summer in the Netherlands. The French King is in open War against them of the Religion; he hath already clear'd the Loire, by taking Jerseau and Saumur, where Monsieur Du Plessis sent him the Keys, which are promis'd to be deliver'd him again, but I think ad Grcecas Calendas. He hath been also before St. John d'Angeli, where the young Cardinal of Guise died, being struck down by the puff of a Cannon-bullet, which put him in a burning fever, and made an end of him. The last Town that's taken was Clerac, which was put to 50,000 Crowns ransom ; many were put to the Sword, and divers Gentlemen drown'd as they thought to scape; this is the fifteenth cautionary Town the King hath taken : And now they say he marcheth towards Montaulan, and so to Montpellier and Nismes, and then have at Rochel. My Lord Hays is by this time, 'tis thought, with the Army ; for Sir Edward Herbert is re- turn'd, having had some clashings and counterbuffs with the Favourite Luynes, wherein he comported himself gallantly. There is a fresh Report blown over, that Lnynes is lately dead in the Army of the Plague, some say of the Purples, the next Cousen-german to it; which the Protestants give out to be the just Judgment of Heaven fallen upon him, because he incited his Master to these Wars against them. If he be not dead, let him die when he will, he will leave a fame behind him, to have been the greatest Favourite for the time that ever was in France, having from a simple Falconer come to be High Constable, and made himself and his younger Brother Grand Dukes and Peers; and his second Brother Cadenet Marshal ; and all three married to Princely Families. No more now, but that I most humbly kiss your Lord- ship's Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 151 ship's hands, and shall be always most ready and chearful to receive your Commandments, because I am — Your Lord- ship's obliged Servitor, J. H. Zond., 12 Aug. 1623. VL To my YaX\\&v,from London. Sir, I WAS at a dead stand in the course of my Fortunes, when it pleas'd God to provide me lately an Employ- ment to Spain, whence I hope there may arise both Repute and Profit. Some of the Cape Merchants of the Turky Company, among whom the chiefest were Sir Robert Nap- per and Captain Leat, propos'd to me, that they had a great business in the Court of Spain in Agitation many years, nor was it now their business, but the King's, in whose name it is follow'd : They could have Gentlemen of good Quality that would undertake it, yet if I would take it upon me, they would employ no other, and assur'd me that the Employment should tend both to my benefit and credit. Now the business is this : There was a great Turky Ship calPd the Vineyard, sailing thro' the Straits towards Con- stantinople, but by distress of weather she was forc'd to put into a little Port call'd Milo in Sardinia; the Searchers came aboard of her, and finding her richly laden, for her cargazon of broad-cloth was worth the first penny near upon j^30,ooo, they cavill'd at some small proportion of Lead and Tin which they had only for the use of the Ship; which the Searchers alledg'd to be ropa de contrahando, pro- hibited Goods ; for by Article of Peace, nothing is to be carry'd to Turky that may arm or victual. The Viceroy of Sardinia hereupon seized upon the whole Ship, and all her Goods, landed the Master and Men in Spain, who coming to Sir Charles Cornwallis, the Ambassador at that Court, Sir Charles could do them little good at present ; therefore they came to England, and complain'd to the King and Council : His Majesty was so sensible hereof, that he sent a particular 152 Familiar Letters. Book L particular Commission in his own Royal Name, to demand a restitution of the Ship and Goods, and Justice upon the Viceroy of Sardinia, who had so apparently broke the Peace, and wrong'd his Subjects. Sir Charles (with Sir Paul Pindar a-while) labour'd in the business, and commenced a Suit in Law, but he was call'd home before he could do anything to purpose. After him Sir John Dighy (now Lord Dighy) went Ambassador to Spain, and among other things he had that particular Commission from His Majesty invested in him, to prosecute the Suit in his own Royal Name: There- upon he sent a well-qualify'd Gentleman, Mr. JValsingham Gresly, to Sardinia, who unfortunately meeting with some Men of War in the passage, was carry'd prisoner to Algier. My Lord Dighy being remanded home, left the business in Mr. Cottington's hands, then Agent, but resum'd it at his return ; yet it prov'd such a tedious intricate Suit, that he return'd again without finishing the work, in regard of the remoteness of the Island of Sardinia, whence the Witnesses and other Dispatches were to be fetch'd. The Lord Dighy is going now Ambassador Extraordinary to the Court of Spain, upon the business of the Match, the restitution of the Palatinate, and other high Affairs of State; therefore he is desirous to transmit the King's Commission touching this particular business to any Gentleman that is capable to follow it, and promiseth to assist him with the utmost of his power ; and i'faith he hath good reason to do so, in regard he hath now a good round share himself in it. About this business I am now preparing to go to Spain, in company of the Ambassador; and I shall kiss the King's hands as his Agent touching this particular Commission. I humbly intreat that your Blessing and Prayers may accompany me in this my new Employment, which I have undertaken upon very good terms, touching expences and reward : So, with my dear love to my brothers and sisters, with other kindred and friends in the Country, I rest — Your dutiful Son, J. H. 8 Sept. 1622. vn. Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 153 VII. To Sir Tho. Savage, Knight and Baronet, at his House in Long-Melford. Honourable Sir, IRECEIV'D your commands in a letter which you sent me by Sir John North, and I shall not fail to answer you in those particulars. It hath pleas'd God to dispose of me once more for Spain, upon a business which I hope will make me good returns : there have two Ambassadors and a Royal Agent followM it hitherto, and I am the fourth that is employ'd in it : I defer to trouble you with the parti- culars of it, in regard I hope to have the happiness to kiss your hand at Tower-Hill before my departure, which will not be till my Lord Dighy sets forward. He goes in a gallant splendid Equipage, and one of the King's Ships is to take him in at Plymouth, and transport him to the Corunna or St. Anderas. Since that sad disaster which befel Archbishop Ahhot, to kill the man by the glancing of an arrow as he was shooting at a Deer (which kind of death befel one of our Kings once in New Forest) there hath been a Commission awarded to debate whether upon this fact, whereby he hath shed human blood, he be not to be depriv'd of his Archbishoprick, and pronounced irregular: some were against him; but Bishop Andrews and Sir Henry Martin stood stiffly for him, that in regard it was no spontaneous act, but a mere contin- gency, and that there is no degree of men but is subject to misfortunes and casualties, they declared positively that he was not to fall from his dignity or function, but should still remain a Regular, and in statu quo prius. During this Debate, he petitioned the King that he might be permitted to retire to his Alms-house at Guilford where he was born, to pass the remainder of his life; but he is now come to be again rectus in airia, absolutely quitted, and restored to all things : But for the wife of him who was kill'd, it was no misfortune to her, for he hath endow'd herself, and her children 154 Familiar Letters. Book L children with such an estate, that they say her husband could never have got. So T humbly kiss your hands, and rest — Your most obliged Servitor, J. H. Lond., 9 Nov. 1622. VIII. To Capt. Nich. Leat, at his House in London. Sir, I AM safely come to the Court of Spain; and altho' by reason of that misfortune which befel Mr. ^Itham and me, of wounding the Serjeants in Lombard-Street^ we stay'd three weeks behind my Lord Ambassador, yet we came hither time enough to attend him to Court at his first Audience. The English Nation is better look'd on now in Spain than ordinary, because of the hopes there are of a Match, which the Merchants and Commonalty much desire, tho' the Nobility and Gentry be not so forward for it : So that in this point the pulse of Spain beats quite contrary to that of England, where the People are averse to this Match, and the Nobility with most part of the Gentry inclinable. I have perus'd all the Papers I could get into my hands, touching the business of the Ship Vineyard, and I find that they are higher than I in bulk, tho' closely press'd together: I have cast up what is awarded by all the sentences of view, and review, by the Council of State and War ; and I find the whole sum, as well principal as interest upon interest, all sorts of damages, and processal charges, come to above two hundred and fifty thousand Crowns. The Conde del Real, quondam Viceroy of Sardinia, who is adjudg'd to pay most part of this money, is here ; and he is Major-domo, Lord Steward to the Infanta Cardinal : If he hath where- with, I doubt not but to recover the money, for I hope to have come in a favourable conjuncture of time, and my Lord Ambassador, who is so highly esteem'd here, doth assure me of his best furtherance. So, praying I may prove as Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 155 as successful as I shall be faithful in this great business, I rest — Yours to dispose of, J, H. Madrid, 28 Dec. 1622. IX. To Mr. Arthur Hopton,yrow Madrid. Sir, SINCE I was made happy with your Acquaintance, I have received sundry strong evidences of your Love and good Wishes unto me, which have ty'd me to you in no common obligation of thanks : I am in despair ever to cancel this bond, nor would I do it, but rather endear the engagement more and more. The Treaty of the Match 'twixt our Prince and the Lady Infanta is now strongly a-foot : she is a very comely Lady, rather of a Flemish complexion than Spanish, fair- hair'd, and carrieth a most pure mixture of red and white in her Face : She is full and big-lipp'd ; which is held a Beauty rather than a Blemish, or any Excess, in the Austrian Family j it being a thing incident to most of that Race; she goes now upon sixteen, and is of a tallness agree- able to those years. The King is also of such a complexion, and is under twenty; he hath two Brothers, Don Carlos and Don Hernando, who, tho' a Youth of twelve, yet he is Cardinal and Archbishop of Toledo ; which, in regard it hath the Chancellorship of Castile annexed to it, is the greatest spiritual Dignity in Christendom after the Papacy, for it is valued at 300,000 Crowns per annum. Don Carlos is of a differing complexion from all the rest, for he is black-hair'd and of a Spanish hue; he hath neither Office, Command, Dignity, nor Title, but is an individual Com- panion to the King; and what Clothes soever are provided for the King, he hath [the very same, and as often, from top to toe : he is the better belov'd of his People for his com- plexion ; for one shall hear the Spaniard sigh and lament, saying, O when shall we have a King again of our own Colour! I 156 Familiar Letters. Book I. I pray recommend me kindly to all at your House, and send me word when the young Gentlemen return from Italy. So with my most affectionate Respects to yourself, I rest — Your true friend to serve you, J. H. ^ Jan. 1622. X. To Copt. Nic. Leat, yrowi Madrid. Sir, YOURS of the loth of this present I receiv'd by Mr. Simon Dighy^ with the inclos'd to your Son in Ali- cant, which is safely sent. Since my last to you, I had access to Olivares, the Favourite that rules all; I had also audience of the King, to whom I deliver'd two Memorials since, in His Majesty's Name of Great Britain, that a particular Junta of some of the Council of State and War might be appointed to determine the business. The last Memorial had so good success, that the Referees are nominated, whereof the chiefest is the Duke of hifantado. Here it is not the stile to claw and compliment with the King, or idolize him by Sacred Sovereign, and Most Excellent Majesty ; but the Spaniard, when he petitions to his King, gives him no other Character but Sir, and so relating his business, at the end doth ask and demand Justice of him. When I have done with the Viceroy here, I shall hasten my dispatches for Sardinia. Since my last I went to liquidate the account more particularly, and I find that of the 250,000 Crowns, there are above forty thousand due to you ; which might serve for a good Alderman's Estate. Your Son in Alicant writes to me of another mischance that is befallen the Ship Amity about Majorca, whereof you were one of the Proprietaries ; I am very sorry to hear of it, and touching any dispatches that are to be had hence, I shall endeavour to procure you them according to in- structions. Your cousin Richard Altham remembers his kind respects to you, and sends you many Thanks for the pains you took in Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 157 in freeing us from that trouble which the Scuffle with the Serjeants brought upon us. So I rest — Yours ready to serve you, J. H. $Jan. 1622. XI. To the Lord Viscount Colchester,yrom Madrid. Right Honourable, THE grand business of the Match goes so fairly on, that a special Junta is appointed to treat of it, the Names whereof I send you here enclosed : they have proceeded so far, that most of the Articles are agreed upon. Mr. George Gage is lately come hither from Rome, a polite and prudent Gentleman, who hath negotiated some things in that Court for the advance of the business, with the Cardinals Bandino, Ludovisio and la Susanna, who are the main Men there, to whom the drawing of the Dispensation is referr'd. The late taking of Ormus by the Persian from the Crown of Portugal keeps a great noise here, and the rather be- cause the Exploit was done by the assistance of the English Ships that were then thereabouts. My Lord Dighy went to Court, and gave a round satisfaction in this point ; for it was no voluntary but a constrain'd act in the English, who being in the Persian's Port, were suddenly embargu'd for the Service : and the Persian herein did no more than what is usual among Christian Princes themselves, and which is oftener put in practice by the King of Spain and his Viceroys than by any other, viz., to make an Embargue of any stranger's ship that rides within his Ports upon all occasions. It was fear'd this surprisal of Ormus, which was the greatest Mart in all the Orient for all sorts of Jewels, would have bred ill blood, and prejudiced the proceedings of the Match ; but the Spaniard is a rational Man, and will be satisfy'd with Reason. Count Olivares is the main Man who sways all, and 'tis thought he is not so much affected to an Alliance with England as his Predecessor the Duke of Lerma was, who set it first a-foot twixt Prince Henry 158 Familiar Letters. Book I. Henry and this Queen of France : The Duke of Lerma was the greatest Privado, the greatest Favourite that ever was in Spain, since Don Alvaro de Luna; he brought himself, the Duke of Uzeda his Son, and the Duke of Cea his Grandchild, to be all Grandees of Spain; which is the greatest Title that a Spanish Subject is capable of: they have a Privilege to stand cover'd before the King, and at their Election there's no other Ceremony but only these three words by the King, Cohrese por Grande, Cover your- self for a Grandee ; and that's all. The Cardinal-Duke of Lerma lives at Falladolid, he officiates and sings Mass, and passes his old Age in Devotion and Exercises of Piety. It is a common, and indeed a commendable Custom among the Spaniards, when he hath passed his Grand Climacteric, and is grown decrepit, to make a voluntary resignation of Offices, be they never so great and profitable (tho' I cannot say Lerma did so), and sequestring and weaning themselves, as it were, from all mundan Negotiations and Incumbrances, to retire to some place of Devotion and spend the residue of their days in Meditation, and in preparing themselves for another World. Charles the Emperor shew'd them the way, who left the Empire to his Brother, and all the rest of his Dominions to his Son Philip II., and so taking with him his two Sisters, he retir'd into a Monastery, they into a Nunnery. This does not suit with the Genius of an Englishman, who loves not to pull off his Clothes till he goes to bed. I will conclude with some "Verses I saw under a huge Rodomontado Picture of the Duke of Lerma, wherein he is painted like a Giant, bearing up the Monarchy of Spain, that of France, and the Popedom upon his Shoulders, with this Stanza : Sodre los ombres d'cste Atlanta Yazen en aquestos dias Estas ires Monarquias. Upon the Shoulders of this Atlas lies The Popedom, and two mighty Monarchies. So Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 159 So I most humbly kiss your Lordship's hands, and rest ever most ready — At your Lordship's Command, J. H. 3 Feb. 1622. xn. To my Father. Sir, ALL Affairs went on fairly here, 'specially that of the 1\. Match, when Master Endymion Porter brought lately my Lord of Bristol a Dispatch from England of a high nature, wherein the Earl is commanded to represent to this King, how much His Majesty of Great Britain since the beginning of these German Wars hath labour'd to merit well of this Crown, and of the whole House of Austria, by a long and lingring patience, grounded still upon assurances hence, that care should be had of his Honour, his Daugh- ter's Jointure, and Grand-children's Patrimony ; yet how crosly all things had proceeded in the Treaty at Brussels, managed by Sir Rich. Weston, as also that in the Palatinate, by the Lord Chichester ; how in Treating-time the Town and Castle of Heidelberg were taken, Manheim besieged, and all Acts of Hostility used, notwithstanding the fair Pro- fessions made by this King, the Infanta at Brussels, and other his Ministers ; how merely out of respect to this King he had neglected all martial means, which probably might have preserv'd the Palatinate ; those thin Garrisons which he had sent thither, being rather for Honour's sake to keep a footing until a general accommodation, than that he rely'd any way upon their strength : And since that there are no other fruits of all this but reproach and scorn, and that those good Offices which he used towards the Emperor on the behalf of his Son-in-law, which he was so much en- couraged by Letters from hence should take effect, have not sorted to any other issue than to a plain Affront, and a high injuring of both their Majesties, tho' in a differing degree : The Earl is to tell him. That His Majesty of Great Britain hopes and desires, that out of a true apprehension of these wrongs i6o Familiar Letters. Book I. wrongs ofTer'd unto them both, he will, as his dear and loving Brother, faithfully promise and undertake upon his Honour, confirming the same under his Hand and Seal, either that Heidelberg shall be within seventy days render'd into his hands ; as also that there shall be within the said term of seventy days a Suspension of Arms in the Palatinatey and that a Treaty shall recommence upon such terms as he propounded in Novemher last, which this King then held to be reasonable : And in case that this be not yielded to by the Emperor, that then this King join forces with His Majesty of England for the recovery of the Palatinate^ which upon this trust hath been lost ; or in case his Forces at this time be other- wise employed, that they cannot give His Majesty that Assistance he desires and deserves, that at least he will permit a free and friendly passage thro' his Territories, such Forces as His Majesty of Great Britain shall employ in Germany; Of all which, if the Earl of Bristol hath not from the King of Spain a direct Assurance under his Hand and Seal ten days after his Audience, that then he take his Leave, and return to England to His Maj sty's presence; also, to proceed in the negotiation of the Match, according to former instructions. This was the main substance of His Majesty's late Letter, yet there was a Postil added, that in case a rupture happen 'twixt the two Crowns, the Earl should not come instantly and abruptly away, but that he should send Advice first to England, and carry the Business so, that the World should not presently know of it. Notwithstanding all these Traverses, we are confident here that the Match will take, otherwise my Cake is Dow. There was a great difference in one of the Capitulations 'twixt the two Kings, how long the Children which should issue of this Marriage were to continue S2ib regimine Matris, under the tutele of the Mother. This King demanded four- teen years at first, then twelve ; but now he is come to nine, which is newly condescended unto. I receiv'd yours of the first of September, in another from Sir James Crofts, wherein it Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 161 it was no small comfort to me to hear of your health. I am to go hence shortly for Sardinia, a dangerous Voyage, by reason of Algier Pirates. I humbly desire your prayers may accompany — Your dutiful Son, J. H. Afadrid, 23 Feb. 1622. XIII. To Sir James Crofts, Knight. Sir, YOURS of the ad of October came to safe hand with the inclos'd : You write that there came Dispatches lately from Rome, wherein the Pope seems to endeavour to insinuate himself into a direct Treaty with England, and to negotiate immediately with our King touching the Dispen- sation, which he not only labours to evade, but utterly dis- claims, it being by Article the task of this King to procure all Dispatches thence. I thank you for sending me this news. You shall understand there came lately an Express from Rome also to this Court, touching the business of the Match, which gave very good content ; but the Dispatch and new Instructions which Mr. Endymion Porter brought mv Lord of Bristol lately from England touching the Prince Palatine, fills us with apprehensions of fear : Our Ambas- sadors here have had audience of this King already about those Propositions, and we hope that Master Porter will carry back such thing as will satisfy. Touching the two points in the Treaty wherein the two Kings differ'd most, viz., about the education of the Children, and the exemption of the Infantas ecclesiastic servants from secular Jurisdic- tion ; both these Points are clear'd ; for the Spaniard is come from fourteen years to ten, and for so long time the Infant Princes shall remain under the Mother's Government. And for the other Point, the ecclesiastical Superior shall first take notice of the offence that shall be committed by any spiritual person belonging to the Infanta's family, and according to the merit thereof, either deliver him by degradation to the secular Justice, or banish him the Kingdom, according to L the i62 Familiar Letters. Book I. the quality of the delict : and it is the same that is practis'd in this Kingdom, and other parts that adhere to Rome. The Conde de Monterre goes Viceroy to Naples, the Mar- quis de Montesclaros being put by, the gallanter Man of the two. I was told of a witty saying of his, when the Duke of Lerma had the vogue in this Court : for going one morning to speak with the Duke, and having danc'd attend- ance a long time, he peep'd thro' a slit in the hanging, and spy'd Do?i Rodrigo Calderon, a great Man (who was lately beheaded here for poisoning the late Queen-Dowager), de- livering the Duke a paper upon his knees ; whereat the Marquis smil'd, and said, Voto a tal aquel homlre sube mas a las rodillas, que yo no hago a los pies ; — I swear that Man climbs higher upon his knees, than I can upon my feet. Indeed I have read it to be a true Court Rule, that descendendo ascen- dendum est in Aula, descending is the way to ascend at Court. There is a kind of humility and compliance that is far from any servile baseness or sordid flattery, and may be term'd discretion rather than adulation. I intend, God willing, to go for Sardinia this Spring ; I hope to have better luck than Master JValsingham Gresley had, who some few years since, in his passage thither upon the same business that I have in agitation, met with some Turks Men of War, and so was carried slave to Algier. So, with my due respects to you, I rest — Your faithful Servant, J. H. Madrid, 12 March 1622. XIV. To Sir Francis Cottington, Secretary to His Highness the Prince of Wales, at St. James's. Sir, I BELIEVE it will not be unpleasing to you to hear of the procedure and success of that business wherein yourself hath been so long vers'd, I mean the great Suit against the quondam Viceroy of Sardinia, the Conde del Real. Count Gondomar's coming was a great Advantage unto me, who Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 163 who hath done me many favours; besides a confirmation of the two Sentences of View and Review, and of the execution against the Viceroy^ I have procur'd a Royal Cedule which I caus'd to be printed, and whereof I send you here inclos'd a Copy, by which Cedule I have power to arrest his very Person; and my Lawyer tells me there was never such a Cedule granted before, I have also by virtue of it priority of all other his Creditors; he hath made an imperfect overture of a Composition, and show'd me some trivial old-fashion'd Jewels, but nothing equivalent to the debt. And now that I speak of Jewels, the late surprizal of Ormus by the Assistance of our Ships sinks deep in their stomachs here, and v/e were afraid it would have spoil'd all proceedings; but my Lord Dighy, now Earl of Bristol (for Count Gondomar brought him o'er his Patent), hath calm'd all things at his last Audience. There were luminaries of joy lately here for the Victory that Don Gonzalez de Cordova got over Count Mansfelt in the Netherlands, with that Army which the D. of Bovillon had levied for him; but some say they have not much reason to rejoice, for tho' the Infantry suffer' d, yet Mansfelt got clear with all his Horse by a notable retreat ; and they say here it was the greatest piece of Service and Art he ever did ; it being a Maxim, That there is nothing so difficult in the Art of War as an honourable Retreat. Besides, the report of his coming to Breda caus'd Marquis Spinola to raise the Siege before Berghen, to burn his tents, and to pack away suddenly, for which he is much censur'd here. Capt. Leat and others have written to me of the favour- able report you pleas'd to make of my Endeavours here, for which I return you humble thanks : And altho' you have left behind you a multitude of Servants in this Court, yet if occasion were offer'd, none should be more forward to go on your Errand than — Your humble and faithful Servitor, J. H. Madrid, 15 Mar. 1622. XV. 164 Familiar Letters. Book L XV. To the Honcurahle Sir Tho. Savage, Ki. and Bar. Honourable Sir, THE great business of the Match was tending to a period, the Articles reflecting both upon Church and State being capitulated, and interchangeably accorded on both sides; and there wanted nothing to consummate all Things, when, to the wonderment of the World, the Prince and the Marquis of Buckingham arriv'd at this Court on Fridaij last, upon the close of the Evening : They alighted at my Lord of Bristol's House, and the Marquis (Mr. Thomas Smith) came in first with a Portmanteau under his Arm ; then (Mr. John Smith) the Prince was sent for, who stay'd a while on t'other side of the Street in the dark. My Lord of Bristol, in a kind of Astonishment, brought him up to his Bed-chamber, where he presently call'd for Pen and Ink, and dispatch'd a Post that night to England, to acquaint His Majesty how in less than sixteen days he was come safely to the Court of Spain; that Post went lightly laden, for he carried but three Letters. The next day came Sir Francis Cotlington and Mr. Porter, and dark rumours ran in every corner how some great Man was come from England; and some would not stick to say among the vulgar it was the King : but towards the evening on Saturday the Marquis went in a close Coach to Court, where he had private Audience of this King, who sent Olivares to accompany him back to the Prince, where he kneel'd and kiss'd his hands, and hugg'd his thighs, and deliver'd how unmeasurably glad his Catholick Majesty was of his coming, with other high Compliments, which Mr. Porter did interpret. About ten aclock that night the King himself came in a close Coach with intent to visit the Prince, who hearing of it, met him half-way ; and after salutations and divers embraces which pass'd in the first Interview, they parted late. I forgot to tell you that Count Gondomar being sworn Counsellor of State Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 165 State that morning, having been before but one of the Council of War, he came in great haste to visit the Prince, saying he had strange news to tell him, which was, that an Englishman was sworn Privy Counsellor of Spain, meaning himself, who he said was an Englishman in his heart. On Sunday following the King in the Afternoon came abroad to take the Air, with the Queen, his two Brothers, and the Irifanta, who were all in one Coach ; but the Infanta sat in the Boot with a blue ribbon about her Arm, of purpose that the Prince might distinguish her: There were above twenty Coaches besides, of Grandees, Noblemen, and Ladies, that attended them. And now it was publickly known among the vulgar, that it was the Prince of Wales who was come; and the confluence of People before my Lord of Bristol's House was so great and greedy to see the Prince, that to clear the w^ay. Sir Leivis Dives went out and took coach, and all the crowd of People went after him : so the Prince himself a little after took coach, wherein there were the Earl oi Bristol, Sir Walter Ashton, and Count Gondomar; and so went to the Prado, a place hard by, of purpose to take the Air, where they stayed till the King pass'd by. As soon as the Infanta saw the Prince, her colour rose very high, which we hold to be an impression of Love and Affection; for the Face is oftentimes a true Index of the Heart, Upon Monday morning after, the King sent some of his prime Nobles, and other Gentlemen, to attend the Prince in quality of Officers, as one to be his Major-domo (his Steward), another to be Master of the Horse, and so to inferior Officers; so that there is a compleat Court now at my Lord of Bristol's House : but upon Sunday next the Prince is to remove to the King's Palace, where there is one of the chief Quarters of the House providing for him. By the next opportunity you shall hear more. In the interim I take my leave, and rest — Your most humble and ready Servitor, J. H. Madrid, 27 Mar. 1623. XVI. i66 Familiar Letters. Book I. XVI. To Sir Eubule Theolall, Knight, at Gray's-Inn. Sir, I KNOW the eyes of all England are earnestly fix'd now upon Spain, her best Jewel being here; but his journey was like to be spoil'd in France, for if he had staid but a little longer at Bayonne, the last Town of that Kingdom hitherwards, he had been discover'd ; for Mons. Gramond, the Governor, had notice of him not long after he had taken Post. The People here do mightily magnify the Gallantry of the Journey, and cry out that he deserved to have the Infanta thrown into his Arms the first night he came; he hath been entertain'd with all the magnificence that possibly could be devis'd. On Sunday last in the morning betimes he went to St. Hierom's Monastery, whence the Kings of Spain use to be fetch'd the day they are crown'd; and thither the King came in person with his two Brothers, his eight Councils, and the flower of the Nobility; he rid upon the King's right hand thro' the heart of the Town under a great Canopy, and was brought so into his Lodgings in the King's Palace, and the King himself accompany'd him to his very Bedchamber. It was a very glorious sight to behold ; for the custom of the Spaniard is, tho* he go plain in his ordi- nary habit, yet upon some Festival or cause of Triumph there's none goes beyond him in gaudiness. We daily hope for the Pope's Breve or Dispensation to perfect the business, tho' there be dark whispers abroad that it is come already ; but that upon this unexpected coming of the Prince, it was sent back to Rome, and some new Clauses thrust in for their further advantage. Till this dispatch comes, matters are at a kind of stand ; yet His Highness makes account to be back in England about the latter end of May. God Almighty turn all to the best, and to what shall be most conducible to His Glory. So with my Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 167 my due Respects unto you, I rest — Your much obliged Servitor, J. H. Madrid^ i April 1623. XVII. To Captain Leat. Sir, HAVING brought up the Law to the highest point against the Viceroy of Sardinia, and that in an extraordinary manner, as may appear unto you by that printed Cedule I sent you in my last, and finding an apparent disability in him to satisfy the debt, I thought upon a new- design, and fram'd a Memorial to the King, and wrought good strong means to have it seconded, that in regard that predatory act of seizing upon the Ship Vineyard in Sardinia, with all her goods, was done by His Majesty's Viceroy, his Sovereign Minister of State, one that immediately represented his own Royal Person, and that the said Viceroy was in- solvent, I desir'd His Majesty would be pleas'd to grant a Warrant for the relief of both Parties, to lade so many thousand Sterils, or measures of Corn, out of Sardinia and Sicily custom-free. I had gone far in the business, when Sir Francis Cottington sent for me, and required me in the Prince's Name to proceed no further herein till he was departed : so his Highness's presence here hath turned rather to my disadvantage than otherwise. Among other Grandezas which the King of Spain conferr'd upon our Prince, one was the releasement of Prisoners, and that all Petitions of grace should come to him for the first month; but he hath been wonderfully sparing in receiving any, especially from any English, Irish, or Scot. Your Son Nicholas is come hither from Alicant about the Ship Amity, and I shall be ready to second him in getting satisfaction : so I rest — Yours ready to serve you, J. H. Madrid, 2,/une 1623. XVIII. i68 Familiar Letters. Book /. XVIII. To Captain Tho. Porter. Noble Captain, MY last to you was in Spanish, in answer to one of yours in the same Language; and among that confluence of English Gallants who, upon the occasion of His Highness being here, are come to this Court, I fed my- self with hopes a long while to have seen you ; but I find now that those hopes were imp'd with false feathers. I know your heart is here, and your best affections ; therefore I wonder what keeps back your Person : but I conceive the reason to be, that you intend to come like yourself, to come Commander-in-chief of one of the Castles of the Crown, one of the Ships Royal : If you come to this Shore-side, I hope you will have time to come to the Court ; I have at any time a good Lodging for you, and my Landlady is none of the meanest, and her Husband hath many good parts: I heard her setting him forth one day, and giving this Character of him : Mi marido es huen musico, huen esgrimidor, huen escrivano, excellente arithmetico, salvo que no muUiplica ; — My Husband is a good Musician, a good Fencer, a good Horseman, a good Penman, and an excellent Arith- metician, only he cannot multiply. For outward usage, there is all industry used to give the Prince and his Servants all possible contentment; and some of the King's own Ser- vants wait upon them at Table in the Palace, where, I am sorry to hear, some of them jeer at the Spanish fare, and use other slighting speeches and demeanor. There are many excellent Poems made here since the Prince's arrival, which are too long to couch in a Letter; yet I will venture to send you this one Stanza of Lope de Vegas : — Carlos Estuardo Soy Que siendo Amor mi guia^ Al cielo d^Espaiia voy For ver mi Esb-ella Maria. There Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 169 There are Comedians once a week come to the Palace, where, under a great Canopy, the Queen and the Infanta sit in the middle, our Prince and Don Carlos on the Queen's right hand, the King and the little Cardinal on the Infanta^ s left hand. I have seen the Prince have his Eyes immove- ably fix'd upon the Infanta half an hour together in a thoughtful speculative posture, which sure would needs be tedious, unless affection did sweeten it : it was no handsome comparison of Olivares, that he watch'd her as a cat doth a Mouse. Not long since the Prince, understanding that the Infanta was used to go some mornings to the Casa de Campo, a Summer-house the King hath on t'other side the River, to gather May-dew, he rose betimes and went thither, taking your Brother with him ; they were let into the House, and into the Garden, but the Infanta was in the Orchard : and there being a high partition-wall between, and the door doubly bolted, the Prince got on the top of the wall, and sprung down a great height, and so made towards her; but she spying him first of all the rest, gave a shriek, and ran back : the old Marquis that was then her Guardian came towards the Prince, and fell on his knees, conjuring His Highness to retire, in regard he hazarded his Head if he admitted any to her company ; so the door was open'd, and he came out under that wall over which he had got in. I have seen him watch a long hour together in a close Coach, in the open street, to see her as she went abroad : I cannot say that the Prince did ever talk with her privatly, yet publickly often, my Lord of Bristol being Interpreter; but the King always sat hard by to overhear all. Our Cousin Archy hath more privilege than any, for he often goes with his Fool's-coat where the Infanta is with her Menina's and Ladies of Honour, and keeps a-blowing and blustering among them, and flurts out what he lists. One day they were discoursing what a marvellous thing it was that the D. of Bavaria with less than 15,000 Men, after a long toilsome March, should dare to encounter the Palsgrave's Army, consisting of above 25,000, and to give them 170 Familiar Letters. Book I. them an utter discomfiture, and take Prague presently after: Whereunto Archy answer'd, that he would tell them a stranger thing than that: Was it not a strange thing, quoth he, that in the Year 88 there should come a Fleet of 140 Sail from Spain to invade England^ and that ten of these could not go back to tell what became of the rest ? By the next opportunity I will send you the Cordouan Pockets and Gloves you writ for of Francisco Moreno's per- fuming. So may my dear Captain live long, and love his — J.H. Madrid, 10 July 1623. XIX. To my Cousin, Tho. Guin, E^^., at his House at Trecastle. Cousin, IRECEIV'D lately one of yours, which I cannot compare more properly than to a Posie of curious flowers, there was therein such variety of sweet strains and dainty expres- sions of Love : and tho' it bore an old date, for it was forty days before it came safe to hand, yet the flowers were still fresh, and not a whit faded, but did cast as strong and fragrant a scent as when your hands bound them up first together, only there was one flower that did not savour so well, which was the undeserved Character you please to give of my small abilities, which in regard you look upon me thro' the prospective of affection, appear greater to you than they are of themselves; yet, as small as they are, I would be glad to employ them all to serve you upon any occasion. Whereas you desire to know how matters pass here, you shall understand that we are rather in assurance, than hopes, that the Match will take effect, when one dispatch more is brought from Rome, which we greedily expect. The Spaniards generally desire it ; they are much taken with our Prince, with the bravery of his journey, and his discreet comportment since; and they confess there was never Princess courted with more gallantry. The Wits of the Court here have made divers Encomiums of him, and of his affection Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 171 affection to the L. Infanta. Among others, I send you a Latin Poem of one Marnierius, a Valencian, to which I add this ensuing Hexastic ; which, in regard of the difficulty of the Verse, consisting of all Ternaries (which is the hardest way of versifying), and of the exactness of the translation, I believe will give you content : — J^ax grata est, gratum est vulnus, mihi grata catena est^ Me quibus astringit, Icedit &• urit Amor ; Sed Jlammam exiingui, sanari vulnera, solvi Vincla, etiam ut possem non ego posse velini : Minim equidem genus hoc morbi est, incendia &' ictus Vinclaque, vinctus adhuc, lasus qt* ushis, amO' Grateful's to me the fire, the wound, the chain, By which Love burns, Love binds and giveth pain ; But for to quench this fire, these bonds to lose, These wounds to heal, I would not could I choose : Strange sickness, where the wounds, the bonds, the fire That burns, that bind, that hurt, I must desire. In your next, I pray, send me your opinion of these Verses, for I know you are a Critic in Poetry. Mr. Vaiighan of the Golden-Grove and I were Comrades and Bedfellows here many months together : his Father, Sir John Vaughan, the Prince his Controller, is lately come to attend his Master. My Lord Carlisle, my Lord of Holland, my Lord of Rochfort, my Lord of Denbigh, and divers others are here ; so that we have a very flourishing Court, and I could wish you were here to make one of the number. So, my dear Cousin, I wish you all happiness, and our noble Prince a safe and successful return to England. — Your most affectionate Cousin, J. H. Madrid, 13 Aug. 1623. XX. To my nolle Friend, Sir John North. Sir, THE long-look'd-for Dispensation is come from Rome, but I hear it is clogg'd with new Clauses j and one is. 172 Familiar Letters. Book I. is, That the Pope, who allegeth that the only aim of the Apostolical! See in granting this Dispensation was the ad- vantage and ease of the Catholics in the King of Great Britain s Dominions, therefore he desired a valuable Caution for the performance of those Articles which were stipulated in their favour; this hath much puzzled the business, and Sir Francis Cottington comes now over about it : Besides, there is some distaste taken at the Duke of Buckingham here, and I heard this King should say he would treat no more with him, but with the Ambassadors, who, he saith, have a more plenary Commission, and understand the business better. As there is some darkness happen'd 'twixt the two Favourites, so matters stand not right 'twixt the Duke and the Earl of Bristol; but God forbid that a business of so high a consequence as this, which is likely to tend so much to the imiversal good of Christendom, to the restitution of the Palatinate and the composing those broils in Germany, should be ranversM by differences 'twixt a few private Sub- jects, though now public Ministers. Mr. Washington, the Prince his Page, is lately dead of a Calenture, and I was at his burial under a Fig-tree behind my Lord of Bristol's House. A little before his death one Ballard, an English Priest, went to tamper with him; and Sir Edmund Varney meeting him coming down the stairs, out of Washington's Chamber, they fell from words to blows, but they were parted. The business was like to gather very ill blood, and to come to a great height, had not Count Gondomar quash'd it, which I believe he could not have done, unless the times had been favourable ; for such is the reverence they bear to the Church here, and so holy a conceit they have of all Ecclesiastics, that the greatest Don in Spain will tremble to offer the meanest of them any outrage or affront. Count Gondomar hath also help'd to free some English that were in the Inquisition in Toledo and Sevill ; and I could allege many instances how ready and chearful he is to assist any Englishman whatsoever, not- withstanding the base affronts he hath often received of the London Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 173 London Buys, as he calls them. At his last return hither, I heard of a merry Saying of his to the Queen, who dis- coursing with him about the greatness of London, and whether it was as populous as Madrid ; Yes, Madame, and more populous when I came away, tho' I believe there's scarce a Man left there now but all Women and Children; for all the Men both in Court and City were ready booted and spurred to go away. And I am sorry to hear how other Nations do much tax the English of their incivility to public Ministers of State, and what Ballads and Pasquils, and Fopperies and Plays, were made against Gondomar for doing his Master's business. My Lord of Bristol coming from Ger- many to Brussels, notwithstanding that at his arrival thither the news was fresh that he had relieved Frankindale as he pass'd, yet he was not a whit the less welcome, but valued the more both by the Archdutchess her self and Spinola^ with all the rest ; as also that they knew well that the said Earl had been the sole adviser of keeping Sir Robert Mansel abroad with that Fleet upon the Coast of Spain, till the Palsgrave should be restor'd. I pray. Sir, when you go to London- Wall, and Tower- Hill, be pleased to remember my humble Service, where you know it is due. So I am — Your most faithful Servitor, J. H. Madrid, 15 Aiig. 1623. xxr. To the Right Honourable the Lord Viscount Colchester. My VERY GOOD Lord, IRECEIV'D the Letter and Commands your Lordship pleased to send me by Mr. Walsingham Gresley ; and House of the West-Indies in Sevill, I cannot procure it for love or money, upon any terms ; tho' I have done all pos- sible diligence therein : And some tell me it is dangerous, and no less than Treason in him that gives the copy of them to 174 Familiar Letters. Book I. to any, in regard 'tis counted the greatest Mystery of all the Spanish Government. That difficulty which happened in the business of the Match of giving caution to the Pope is now overcome : for whereas our King answer'd, That he could give no other caution than his Royal Word and his Son's, exemplify'd under the Great Seal of Etigland, and confirmed by his Council of State, it being impossible to have it done by Parliament, in regard of the averseness the Common People have to the Alliance ; and whereas this gave no satisfaction to Rome, the King of Spain now offers himself for caution, for putting in execution what is stipulated in behalf of the Roman Catholics, thro'out His Majesty of Great Britain's Dominions. But he desires to consult his Ghostly Fathers, to know whether he may do it without wronging his Con- science : hereupon there hath been a Junta form'd of Bishops and Jesuits, who have been already a good while about it ; and the Bishop of Segovia, who is, as it were, Lord-Trea- surer, having written a Treatise lately against the Match, was outed of his Office, banish'd the Court, and confin'd to his Diocese. The Duke of Buckingham hath been ill-indis- pos'd a good while, and lies sick at Court, where the Prince hath no public exercise of Devotion, but only Bedchamber Prayers; and some think that his Lodging in the King's House is like to prove a disadvantage to the main business : for whereas most sorts of People here hardly hold us to be Christians, if the Prince had a Palace of his own, and been permitted to have used a room for an open Chapel to exer- cise the Liturgy of the Church of England, it would have brought them to have a better opinion of us ; and to this end there were some of our best Church-plate and Vest- ments brought hither, but never us'd. The slow pace of this Junta troubles us a little, and to the Divines there are some Civilians admitted lately : and the quaere is this. Whether the King of Spain may bind himself by Oath in the behalf of the King of England, to perform such and such Articles that are agreed on in favour of the Roman Catholicks Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 175 Catholicks by virtue of this Match, whether the King may do this salvd conscientid. There was a great Show lately here of baiting of Bulls with Men, for the entertainment of the Prince; it is the chiefest of all Spanish Sports ; commonly there are Men kill'd at it, therefore there are Priests appointed to be there ready to confess them. It hath happen'd oftentimes that a Bull hath taken up two men upon his horns with their guts dangling about them ; the horsemen run with lances and swords, the foot with goads. As I am told, the Pope hath sent divers Bulls against this sport of Bulling, yet it will not be left, the Nation hath taken such an habitual delight in it. There was an ill-favour'd accident like to have happen'd lately at the King's House, in that part where my Lord of Carlisle and my Lord Denbigh were lodg'd ; for my Lord Denbigh late at night taking a pipe of Tobacco in a Balcony, which hung over the King's Garden, he blew down the ashes, which falling upon some parch'd combustible matter, began to flame and spread : but Mr. Davis, my Lord of Carlisle's Barber, leap'd down a great height and quench'd it. So, with my continuance of mv most humble Service, I rest ever ready — At your Lordship's Command, J. H. Madrid, 16 Aug. 1623. XXIL To Sir James Crofts^yVow Madrid. Sir, THE Court of Spain affords now little news; for there is a Eemora sticks to the business of the Match, till the Junta of Divines give up their Opinion : But from Turky there came a Letter this week, wherein there is the strangest and almost tragical news, that in my small reading no Story can parallel, or shew with more pregnancy the instability and tottering estate of human Greatness, and the sandy Foundation whereon the vast Ottoman Empire is rear'd : for Sultan Osman, the Grand Turk, a Man according to the humour 176 Familiar Letters. Book I. humour of that Nation, warlike and fleshed in blood, and a violent hater of Christians, was in the flower of his years, in the heat and height of his courage, knock'd in the head by one of his own Slaves, and one of the meanest of them, with a Battle-axe, and the Murderer never after proceeded against or question'd. The ground of this Tragedy was the late ill success he had against the Pole, wherein he lost about 100,000 Horse for want of forage, and 80,000 Men for want of fighting; which he imputed to the cowardice of his Janizaries, who rather than bear the brunt of the Battell, were more willing to return home to their Wives and merchandizing ; which they are now permitted to do, contrary to their first Institution, which makes them more worldly, and less venturous. This disgraceful return from Poland stuck in Osman's stomach, and so he studied a way to be reveng'd of the Janizaries ; therefore by the Advice of his Grand Visier (a stout gallant Man, who had been one of the chief Beglerbegs in the East), he intended to erect a new Soldiery in ^sia about Damasco, of the Coords, a frontier People, and consequently hardv and inur'd to Arms. Of these he proposed to entertain 40,000 as a Lifeguard for his Person, tho' the main design was to suppress his lazy and lustful Janizaries, with Men of fresh new Spirits. To disguise this Plot, he pretended a Pilgrimage to Mecca, to visit Mahomet's Tomb, and reconcile himself to the Prophet, who he thought was angry with him, because of his late ill success in Poland; but this colour was not specious enough, in regard he might have perform'd this Pilgrimage with a smaller Train and Charge ; therefore it was propounded that the Emir of Sidon should be made to rise up in Arms, that so he might go with a greater Power and Treasure ; but this Plot was held disadvantageous to him, in regard his Janizaries must then have attended him: so he pretends and prepares only for the Pilgrimage, vet he makes ready as much Treasure as he could make, and to that end he melts his Plate, and furniture of Horses, with divers Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 177 divers Church-lamps: this fomented some jealousy in the Janizaries, with certain words which should drop from him, that he would find Soldiers shortly should whip them. Here- upon he had sent over to Asia's side his Pavilions, many of his Servants, with his Jewels and Treasure, resolving upon the Voyage ; notwithstanding that divers Petitions were deliver'd him from the Clergy, the Civil Magistrate, and the Soldiery, that he should desist from the Voyage, but all would not do : thereupon, on the point of his departure, the Janizaries and Spahies came in a tumultuary manner to his Seraglio, and in a high insolent language dissuaded him from the Pilgrimage, and demanded of him his ill Coun- sellors. The first he granted, but for the second, he said that it stood not with his Honour to have his nearest Servants torn from him so, without any legal proceeding ; but he assur'd them that they should appear in the Divan the next day, to answer for themselves : but this not satis- fying, they went away in a fury, and plunder'd the Grand Miner's Palace, with divers others. Osman hereupon was advised to go from his private Gardens that night to the Asian Shore, but his destiny kept him from it : so the next morning they came arm'd to the Court (but having made a Covenant not to violate the Imperial Throne) and cut in pieces the Gi'and Visier, with divers other great Officers; and not finding Osman, who had hid himself in a small lodge in one of his Gardens, they cry'd out, they must have a Musulman Emperor : therefore they broke into a Dungeon, and brought out Mustapha, Osman's Uncle, whom he had clapp'd there at the beginning of the Tumult, and who had been King before, but was depos'd for his simplicity, being a kind of Santon, or holy Man, that is, 'twixt an Innocent and an Idiot ; this Mustapha they did reinthronize, and place in the Ottoman Empire. The next day they found out Osman, and brought him before Mustapha, who excused himself with Tears in his Eyes for his rash attempts, which wrought tenderness in some, but more scorn and fury in others; who fell upon M the 178 Familiar Letters. Book I. the Cap'i u4ga, with other Officers, and cut them in pieces before his Eyes. Osman thence was carried to Prison, and as he was getting on horseback, a common Soldier took off his Turban, and clapp'd his upon Osman's Head, who in his passage begg'd a draught of Water at a Fountain. The next day, the new Visier went with an Executioner to strangle him, in regard there were two younger Brothers more of his to preserve the Ottoman's Race ; where, after they had rush'd in, he being newly awak'd, and staring upon them, and thinking to defend himself, a robust bois- terous Rogue knock'd him down, and so the rest fell upon him, and strangled him with much ado. Thus fell one of the greatest Potentates upon Earth, by the hands of a contemptible Slave, for there is not a free- born Subject in all that vast Empire: Thus fell he that entitles himself Most Puissant and Highest Monarch of the Turks, King above all Kings, a King that dwelleth upon the earthly Paradise, Son of Mahomet, Keeper of the Grave of the Christian God, Lord of the Tree of Life, and of the River Flisky, Prior of the Earthly Paradise, Conqueror of the Macedonians, the Seed of Great Alexander, Prince of the Kingdoms of Tartary, Mesopotamia, Media, and of the Martial Mammalucks, Anatolia, Bithynia, Asia, Armenia, Servia, Thracia, Morea, Valachia, Moldavia, and of all War- like Hungary, Sovereign Lord and Commander of all Greece, Persia, both the Arahias, the most noble Kingdom of Egypt, Tremisen, and African Empire of Tralesond, and the most glorious Constantinople, Lord of all the White and Black Seas, of the Holy City Mecca and Medina, shining with divine Glory; Commander of all things that are to be com- manded, and the strongest and mightiest Champion of the wide World ; a Warrior appointed by Heaven in the edge of the Sword, a Persecutor of his Enemies, a most perfect Jewel of the Blessed Tree, the Chiefest Keeper of the Crucify'd God, &c., with other such bombastical Titles. This Osman was a man of goodly constitution, an amiable aspect, and of excess of Courage, but sordidly covetous; which Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 179 which drove him to violate the Church, and to melt the Lamps thereof, which made the Mufti say. That this was a due judgment fallen upon him from Heaven for his Sacri- lege. He us'd also to make his Person too cheap, for he would go ordinarily in the night-time with two Men after him, like a Petty-constable, and peep into the Cauph-houses and Cabarets, and apprehend Soldiers there : And these two things, it seems, were the cause, that when he was so assaulted in the Seraglio, not one of his domestick Servants, whereof he had 3000, would lift up an arm to help him. Some few days before his death he had a strange dream, for he dreamed that he was mounted upon a great Camel, who would not go neither by fair nor foul means ; and light- ing off him, and thinking to strike him with his Scimiter, the body of the Beast vanish'd, leaving the head and the bridle only in his hands. When the Miifti and the Haggles could not interpret this dream, Mustapha his Uncle did it; for he said, the Camel signify'd his Empire, his mounting of him his excess in Government, his lighting down his depos- ing. Another kind of prophetic Speech dropt from the Grand Fisier to Sir Tlio. Roe, our Ambassador there, who having gone a little before this Tragedy to visit the said Visier, told him what whisperings and mutterings there were in every corner for this Asiatic Voyage, and what ill consequences might ensue from it : therefore it might well stand with his great wisdom to stay it; but if it held, he desir'd him to leave a charge with the Chimacham, his Deputy, that the English Nation in the Port should be free from outrages : whereunto the Grand Visier answer'd. Trouble not yourself about that, for I will not remove so far from Constantinople, but I will leave one of my Legs behind to serve you; which proved too true; for he was murder'd afterwards, and one of his Legs was hung up in the Hippodrome. This fresh Tragedy makes me give over wondering at any- thing that ever I heard or read, to shew the lubricity of mundan Greatness, as also the fury of the Vulgar, which, like i8o Familiar Letters. Book I. like an impetuous Torrent, gathers strength by degrees as it meets with divers Dams, and being come to the height, cannot stop itself: for when this rage of the Soldiers began first, there was no design at all to violate or hurt the Emperor, but to take from him his ill Counsellors; but being once a-foot, it grew by insensible degrees to the utmost of outrages. The bringing out of Mustapha from the Dungeon where he was prisoner, to be Emperor of the Musulmans, put me in mind of what I read in Mr. Camden of our late Queen Elizabeth, how she was brought from the Scaffold to the English l^hrone. They who profess to be Criticks in Policy here, hope that this murdering of Osman may in time breed good blood, and prove advantageous to Christendom : for tho' this be the first Emperor of the Turks that was dispatch'd so, he is not like to be the last, now that the Soldiers have this Precedent : others think that if that design in y4sia had taken, it had been very probable the Const antinopolitans had hois'd up another King, and so the Empire had been dis- membred, and by this division had lost strength, as the Roman Empire did, when it was broken into East and West. Excuse me that this my Letter is become such a Monster, I mean that it hath pass'd the size and ordinary proportion of a Letter; for the matter it treats of is monstrous; be- sides, it is a rule, that Historical Letters have more liberty to be long than others. In my next you shall hear how matters pass here; and in the meantime, and always, I rest — Your Honour's most devoted Servitor, J. H. 17 Aug. 1623. XXHL To the Right Honourable Sir Tho. Savage, Kt. and Bar. Honourable Sir, THE procedure of things in relation to the grand business of the Match was at a kind of stand, when the long winded Junta deliver'd their opinions, and fell at last upon this Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 181 this result, that his Catholick Majesty, for the satisfaction of St. Peter, might obHge himself in the behalf of England, for the performance of those Capitulations which related to the Roman Catholicks in that Kingdom ; and in case of non-performance, then to right himself by war; since that the matrimonial Articles were solemnly sworn to by the K. of Spain and His Highness, the two Favourites, our two Ambassadors, the Duke of Infantado, and other Counsellors of State being present : Hereupon the 8th of September next is appointed to be the day of Desposorios, the day of j4ffiance, or the Betrothing-day. There was much gladness express'd here, and Luminaries of Joy were in every great Street thro'out the City : But there is an unlucky Accident hath interven'd, for the King gave the Prince a solemn visit since, and told him Pope Gregory was dead, who was so great a friend to the Match ; but in regard the business was not yet come to perfection, he could not proceed further in it till the former Dispensation were ratified by the new Pope Urban, which to procure he would make it his own task, and that all possible expedition should be us'd in't, and therefore desir'd his patience in the interim. The Prince answer'd, and press'd the necessity of his speedy return with divers reasons ; he said there was a general kind of murmuring in England for his so long Absence, that the King his Father was old and sickly, that the Fleet of his Ships were already, he thought, at Sea to fetch him, the winter drew on, and withal, that the Articles of the Match were sign'd in England with this Proviso, That if he be not come back by such a month, they should be of no validity. The King reply'd. That since His Highness was resolv'd upon so sudden a departure, he would please to leave a Proxy behind to finish the Marriage, and he would take it for a favour if he would depute Him to personate him ; and ten days after the Ratification shall come from Royne the business shall be done, and afterwards he might send for his Wife when he pleas'd. The Prince rejoin'd, that among those multitudes of royal Favours which he had i82 Familiar Letters. Book I. had receiv'd from His Majesty, this transcended all the rest ; therefore he would most willingly leave a Proxy for His Majesty, and another for Don Carlos to this effect : So they parted for that Time without the least umbrage of discontent, nor do I hear of any engender'd since. The last month, 'tis true, the Junta of Divines dwelt so long upon the business, that there were whisperings that the Prince intended to go away disguis'd as he came; and the Question being ask'd by a Person of Quality, there was a brave Answer made, That if Love brought him thither, it is not Fear shall drive him away. There are preparations already afoot for his return, and the two Proxies are drawn and left in my Lord of Bristol's hands. Notwithstanding this ill-favour'd stop, yet we are all here confident the business will take effect : In which hopes I rest — Your most humble and ready Servitor, J. H. Madrid, i8 Aug. 1623. XXIV. To Capt. Nich. Leat, at his House in London. Sir, THIS Letter comes to you by Mr. Richard Altham; of whose sudden departure hence I am very sorry, it being the late death of his Brother Sir James jiltham. I have been at a stand in the business a good while, for His Highness's coming hither was no Advantage to me in the Earth. He hath done the Spaniards divers courtesies, but he hath been very sparing in doing the English any. It may be, perhaps, because it may be a diminution of honour to be beholden to any foreign Prince to do his own Subjects favours; but my business requires no favour; all I desire is Justice, which I have not obtain'd yet in reality. The Prince is preparing for his Journey; I shall to it again closely when he is gone, or make a shaft or a bolt of it. The Pope's death hath retarded the proceedings of the Match, but we are so far from despairing of it, that one may have wagers 30 to i it will take eff'ect still. He that deals Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 183 deals with this Nation must have a great deal of phlegm ; and if this grand business of State, the Match, suffer such protractions and puttings off, you need not wonder that private Negotiations, as mine is, should be subject to the same inconveniences. There shall be no means left unat- tempted that my best industry can find out to put a period to it; and when His Highness is gone, I hope to find my Lord of Bristol more at leisure to continue his favour and furtherance, which hath been much already : So I rest — Yours ready to serve you, J. H. Madrid, 19 Aug. 1623. XXV. To Sir James Crofts. Sir, THE Prince is now upon his Journey to the Sea-side, where my Lord of Rutland attends for him with a Royal Fleet : There are many here shrink in their shoulders, and are very sensible of his departure, and the Lady Infanta resents it more than any; she hath caus'd a Mass to be sung every day ever since for his good Voyage : The Spaniards themselves confess there was never Princess so bravely woo'd. The King and his two Brothers accom- pany'd His Highness to the Escurial, some twenty miles off, and would have brought him to the Sea-side, but that the Queen is big, and hath not many days to go. When the King and he parted, there pass'd wonderful great Endear- ments and Embraces in divers postures between them a long Time ; and in that place there is a Pillar to be erected as a Monument to Posterity. There are some Grandees, and Count Gondomar with a great Train besides, gone with him to the Marine, to the Sea-side, which will be many days* journey, and must needs put the King of Spain to a mighty Expense, besides his seven months' Entertainment here. We hear that when he pass'd thro' Valladolid, the D. oi Lerma was retired thence for the Time by special command from the King, lest he might have discourse with the Prince, whom 184 Familiar Letters. Book I. whom he extremely desired to see; this sunk deep into the old Duke, insomuch that he said, that of all the Acts of Malice which Olivares had ever done him, he resented this more than any. He bears up yet under his Cardinal's Habit, which hath kept him from many a foul storm that might have fallen upon him else from the temporal Power. The Duke of JJzeda, his Son, finding himself decline in favour at Court, hath retir'd to the Country, and dy'd soon after of discontentment : during his sickness the Cardinal wrote this short weighty Letter unto him : Dizen me, que Mareys de necio ; por mi, mas temo mis anos que mis Ene- migos. — Lerma. I shall not need to English it to you, who is so great a Master of the Language. Since I began this Letter we understand the Prince is safely embark'd, but not without some danger of being cast away, had not Sir Sackvil Trever taken him up ; I pray God send him a good Voyage, and us no ill news from Eiigland. My most humble Service at Tower-hill, so I am — Your humble Servitor, J. H. Madrid, 21 Aug. 1623. XXVL To my Brother, Dr. Howel. Mv Brother, SINCE our Prince's departure hence the Lady Infanta studieth English apace, and one Mr. PVadsworth and Father Boniface, two Englishmen, are appointed her Teachers, and have Access to her every Day : We account her, as it were, our Princess now ; and as we give, so she takes that Title. Our Ambassadors, my Lord of Bristol and Sir Walter Ashton, will not stand now cover'd before her when they have Audience, because they hold her to be their Princess : She is preparing divers Suits of rich Clothes for His Highness of perfum'd Amber Leather, some em- broider'd with Pearl, some with Gold, some with Silver ; Her Family is a settling apace, and most of her Ladies and Officers are known already. We want nothing now but one Seci. 3. Familiar Letters. 185 one Dispatch more from Rome, and then the Marriage will be solemniz'd, and all Things consummated : Yet there is one Mr. Clerk (with the lame Arm) that came hither from the Sea-side as soon as the Prince was gone ; he is one of the D, of Buckingham's Creatures, yet he lies at the E. of Bristol's House, which we wonder at, considering the dark- ness that happen'd 'twixt the Duke and the Earl : We fear that this Clerk hath brought something that may puzzle the business. Besides, having occasion to make my Address lately to the Venetian Ambassador, who is interested in some part of that great Business for which I am here, he told me confidently it would be no Match, nor did he think it was ever intended. But I want faith to believe him yet, for I know St. Mark is no friend to it, nor France, nor any other Prince or State besides the King of Denmark, whose Grandmother was of the House of Austria, being Sister to Charles the Emperor. Touching the Business of the Fala- tniate, our Ambassadors were lately assur'd by Olivares and all the Counsellors here, and that in this King's Name, that he would procure His Majesty of Great Britain entire satis- faction herein ; and Olivares giving them the joy, intreated them to assure their King upon their honour, and upon their lives, of the reality hereof: For the Infanta herself (said he) hath stirr'd -in it, and makes it now her own busi- ness ; for it was a firm Peace and Amity (which he con- fess'd could never be without the Accommodation of Things in Germany) as much as an Alliance, which his Catholick Majesty aim'd at. But we shall know shortly now what to trust to, we shall walk no more in mists, tho' some give out yet that our Prince shall embrace a Cloud for Juno at last. I pray present my Service to Sir John Franklin and Sir John Smith, with all at the Hill and Dale ; and when you send to Wales I pray convey the inclos'd to my Father. So, my dear Brother, I pray God bless us both, and bring us again joyfullv together — Your very loving Brother, J.H. Madrid, 12 Aug. 1623. xxvn. i86 Familiar Letters. Book I: XXVII. To my nolle Friend Sir John North, Knight. Sir, IRECEIVD lately one of yours, but it was of a very old date : We have our Eyes here now all fix'd upon Rome, greedily expecting the Ratification; and lately a strong rumour ran it was come, insomuch that Mr. Clerk, who was sent hither from the Prince, being a-shipboard (and now lies sick at my Lord of Bristol's House of a Calenture), hearing of it, he desir'd to speak with him, for he had something to deliver him from the Prince ; my Lord Am- bassador being come to him, Mr. Clerk deliver'd a Letter from the Prince, the contents whereof were. That whereas he had left certain Proxies in his hand to be delivered to the King of Spain after the Ratification was come, he desir'd and requir'd him not to do it till he should receive further order from England. My Lord of Bristol hereupon went to Sir Walter Aston, who was in joint Commission with him for concluding the Match ; and shewing him the Letter, what my Lord Aston said I know not, but my Lord of Bristol told him. That they had a Commission-Royal under the Broad Seal of England to conclude the Match ; he knew as well as he how earnest the King their Master hath been any time these ten years to have it done, how there could not be a better pawn for the surrendry of the Palatinate, than the Infanta in the Prince's Arms, who could never rest till she did the work, to merit the love of our Nation : he told him also how their own particular Fortunes depended upon it; besides, if he should delay one moment to deliver the Proxy after the Ratification was come, according to agreement, the Infanta would hold herself so blemish'd in her honour, that it might overthrow all things. Lastly, he told him, That they incurr'd the hazard of their heads, if they should suspend the executing His Majesty's Commision upon any order but from that Power which gave it, who was the King himself. Hereupon both the Ambassadors proceeded Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 187 proceeded still in preparing matters for the solemnizing of the Marriage ; the Earl of Bristol had caused above thirty rich Liveries to be made of w^atched Velvet, with silver Lace up to the very Capes of the Cloaks, the best sorts vi^hereof were valued at j^8o a Livery : My Lord Aston had also provided new Liveries ; and a fortnight after the said politick Report was blown up, the Ratification came indeed complete and full ; so the Marriage-day was appointed, a Terras cover'd all over with Tapestry was raised from the King^s Palace to the next Church, which might be about the same extent as from White-Hall to Westminster-Abbey ; and the King intended to make his Sister a Wife, and his Daughter (whereof the Queen was deliver'd a little before) a Christian upon the same day; the Grandees and great Ladies had been invited to the Marriage, and order was sent to all the Port- Towns to discharge their great Ordnance, and sundry other things were prepar'd to honour the Solemnity : but when we were thus at the height of our hopes, a day or two before, there came Mr. Killegree, Gresley, Wood, and Davies, one upon the neck of another, with a new Commission to my Lord of Bristol immediately from His Majesty, counter- manding him to deliver the Proxy aforesaid, until a full and absolute satisfaction were had for the surrendry of the Palatinate under this King's Hand and Seal, in regard he desir'd his Son should be marry'd to Spain, and his Son-in- law re-marry'd to the Palatinate at one time. Hereupon all was dash'd in pieces, and that frame which was rearing so many years was ruin'd in a moment. This News struck a damp in the hearts of all People here, and they wish'd that the Postilions that brought it had all broke their necks in the way. My Lord of Bristol hereupon went to Court to acquaint the King with his new Commission, and so proposed the restitution of the Palatinate : The King answer'd, 'Twas none of his to give ; 'tis true, he had a few Towns there, but he held them as Commissioner only for the Emperor, and he could not command an Emperor ; yet if His Majesty of i88 Familiar Letters. Book I. of Gieat Britain would put a Treaty a-foot, he would send his own Ambassador to join. In the Interim the Earl was commanded not to deliver the aforesaid Proxy of the Prince, for the Desposorios or Espousal^ until Christmas (and herein it seems His Majesty with you was not well inform'd, for those Powers of Proxies expir'd before). The King here said further, That if his Uncle the Emperor, or the Duke of Bavaria, would not be conformable to reason, he would raise as great an Army for the Prince Palsgrave as he did under Spinola, when he first invaded the Palatinate ; and to secure this, he would engage his Contratation-house of the West-Indies, with his Plate-Fleet, and give the most binding Instrument that could be under his Hand and Seal. But this gave no satisfaction ; therefore my Lord of Bristol, I believe, hath not long to stay here, for he is commanded to deliver no more Letters to the Infanta, nor demand any more audience, and that she should be no more stiled Prin- cess of England or Wales. The aforesaid Caution which this King offer'd to my Lord of Bristol made me think of what I read of his Grandfather Philip II., who having been marry'd to our Q. Mary, and it being thought she was with child of him, and was accordingly pray'd for at Paul's Cross, tho' it prov'd afterwards but a tympany, K. Philip propos'd to our Parliament, that they would pass an Act that he might be Regent during his or her Minority that should be born, and would give good caution to surrender the Crown when he or she should come to age. The motion was hotly canvass'd in the House of Peers, and like to pass, when the Lord Paget rose up and said, I, but who shall sue the King's Bond? So the business was dash'd. I have no more news to send you now, and I am sorry I have so much, unless it were better ; for we that have business to negotiate here are like to suffer much by this rupture: Welcome be the will of God, to whose benediction I commend you, and rest — Your most humble Servitor, J. H. Madrid^ 25 Aug. 1623. XXVIII. Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 189 XXVIII. To the Right Honourable the Lord Clifford. My good Lord, THO' this Court cannot afford now such comfortable news in relation to England as I could wish, yet such as it is, you shall receive. My Lord of Bristol is preparing for England. I waited upon him lately when he went to take his leave at Court ; and the King washing his hands, took a ring from off his own finger, and put upon his, which was the greatest honour that ever he did any Ambassador, as they say here; he gave him also a Cupboard of Plate, valued at 20,000 Crowns : There were also large and high promises made him, that in case he feared to fall upon any rock in England, by reason of the Power of those who malign'd him, if he would stay in any of his Dominions, he would give him means and honour equal to the highest of his Enemies. The Earl did not only wave, but disdain'd these Propositions made to him by Olivares, and said he was so confident of the King his Master's Justice and high Judgment, and of his own innocency, that he conceiv'd no Power could be able to do him hurt. There hath occurr'd nothing lately in this Court worth the Advertisement: They speak much of the strange carriage of that boisterous Bishop of Halverstadt (for so they term him here), that having taken a place where there were two Monasteries of Nuns and Friars, he caus'd divers Feather-beds to be ripp'd, and all the feathers to be thrown in a great Hall whither the Nuns and Friars were thrust naked with their bodies oil'd and pitch'd, and to tumble among these feathers ; which makes them here presage him an ill death. So I most affectionately kiss your hands, and rest — Your very humble Servitor, J. H. Madrid, 26 Aug. 1623. XXIX. IQO Familiar Letters. Book I. XXIX. To Sir John North. Sir, I HAVE many thanks to render you for the favour you lately did to a Kinsman of mine, Mr. Vaughan, and for divers others, which I defer till I return to that Court, and that I hope will not be long. Touching the procedure of matters here, you shall understand, that my Lord Aston had special audience lately of the King of Spain, and after- wards presented a Memorial, wherein there was a high com- plaint against the miscarriage of the two Spanish Ambas- sadors now in England, the Marquis of Inojosa and Don Carlos Coloma; the substance of it was, That the said Ambassadors, in a private audience His Majesty of Great Britain had given them, inform'd him of a pernicious Plot against his Person and Royal Authority, which was. That at the beginning of your now Parliament the Duke of Buckingham, with other his complices, often met and con- sulted in a clandestine way, how to break the Treaty both of Match and Palatinate ; and in case His Majestv was unwilling thereunto, he should have a Country-house or two to retire unto for his recreation and health, in regard the Prince is now of years and judgment fit to govern. His Majesty so resented this, that the next day he sent them many thanks for the care they had of him, and desir'd them to perfect the work, and now that they had detected the Treason, to discover also the Traitors ; but they were shy in that point. The King sent again, desiring them to send the names of the Conspirators in a paper sealed up by one of their own Confidents, which he should receive with his own hands and no soul should see it else ; advising them withal, that they should not prefer this discovery before their own honours, to be accounted false Accusers : they reply'd, That they had done enough already by instancing in the Duke of Buckingham, and it might easily be guess'd who were his Confidents and Creatures. Hereupon His Majesty put those whom Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 191 whom he had any grounds to suspect to their Oaths : And afterwards sent my Lord Conway and Sir Francis Cotting- ton to tell the Ambassadors that he had left no means unessay'd to discover the Conspiration ; that he had found upon Oath such a clearness of ingenuity in the Duke of Buckingham, that satisfy'd him of his innocency : Therefore he had just cause to conceive that this information of theirs proceeded rather from malice, and some political ends, than from truth ; and in regard they would not produce the Authors of so dangerous a Treason, they made themselves to be justly thought the Authors of it: And therefore, tho' he might by his own Royal Justice and the Law of Nations, punish this excess and insolence of theirs, and high wrong they had done to his best Servants, yea to the Prince his Son, for thro' the sides of the Duke they wounded him, in regard it was impossible that such a design should be at- tempted without his privity, yet he would not be his own Judge herein, but would refer them to the King their Master, whom he conceived to be so just, that he doubted not but he would see him satisfy'd; and therefore he would send an Express to him thereabouts, to demand Justice and Repara- tion. This business is now in agitation, but we know not what will become of it. We are all here in a sad discon- solate condition, and the Merchants shake their heads up and down out of an apprehension of some fearful War to follow: So I most affectionately kiss your hands, and rest — Your very humble and ready Servitor, J. H. Madrid, 26 Aug. 1623. XXX. To Sir Kenelme Digby, Knight. Sir, YOU have had knowledge (none better) of the progres- sion and growings of the Spanish Match from time to time; I must acquaint you now with the Rupture and utter Dissolution of it, which was not long a doing: for it was done in one Audience that my Lord of Bristol had lately at 192 Familiar Letters. Book I. at Court, whence it may be inferr'd, that 'tis far more easy to pull down than rear up ; for that Structure which was so many years a rearing was dash'd, as it were, in a trice : Dissolution goeth a faster pace than Composition. And it may be said, that the civil actions of men, 'specially great affairs of Monarchs (as this was) have much analogy, in degrees of progression, with the natural production of man. To make man, there are many acts must precede; first a meeting and copulation of the Sexes, then Conception, which requires a well-disposed Womb to retain the prolifical Seed, by the constriction and occlusion of the orifice of the Matrix; which Seed being first, and afterwards Cream, is by a gentle ebullition coagulated, and turn'd to a crudded lump, which the Womb by virtue of its natural heat pre- pares to be capable to receive form, and to be organiz'd : whereupon Nature falls a-working to delineate all the Members, beginning with those that are most noble ; as the Heart, the Brain, the Liver, whereof Galen would have the Liver, which is the shop and source of the blood, and Aris- totle the Heart, to be the first fram'd, in regard 'tis primum vivens & ultimum moriens. Nature continues in this labour, until a perfect shape be introduced; and this is call'd For- mation, which is the third act, and is a production of an organical Body out of the spermatick Substance, caus'd bv the plastick virtue of the vital Spirits : and sometimes this act is finished thirty days after the conception, sometimes fifty, but most commonly in forty-two or forty-five, and is sooner done in the Male. This being done, the Embryo is animated with three Souls; the first with that of Plants called the vegetable Soul, then with a sensitive, which all brute Animals have, and lastly the rational Soul is infus'd ; and these three in Man are like Trigonus in Tetragono ; the two first are generated ex Traduce, from the seed of the Parents, but the last is by immediate infusion from God: and 'tis controverted 'twixt Philosophers and Divines when this infusion is made. This is the fourth act that goeth to make a Man, and is called Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 193 called Animation: and as the Naturalists allow Animation double the time that Formation had from the Conception, so they allow to the ripening of the Embryo in the Womb, and to the birth thereof, treble the time which Animation had ; which happeneth sometimes in nine, sometimes in ten months. This Grand business of the Spanish Match may be said to have had such degrees of progression ; first there was a meeting and coupling on both sides, for a. Junta in Spain, and some select Counsellors of State were appointed in England. After this Conjunction the business was con- ceived, then it receiv'd form, then life (tho' the quickening was slow), but having had near upon ten years in lieu of ten months to be perfected, it was unfortunately strangled when it was ripe ready for birth ; and I would they had never been born that did it, for it is like to be out of my way ^^3000. And as the Embryo in the Womb is wrapp'd in three membranes or tunicles, so this great business, you know better than I, was involv'd in many difficulties, and died so entangled before it could break thro' them. There is a buzz here of a Match ^twixt England and France ; I pray God send it a speedier Formation and Ani- mation than this had, and that it may not prove an abortive. I send you herewith a Letter from the Paragon of the Spanish Court, Donna Anna Maria Manrique, the Duke of Marquedas's sister, who respects you in a high degree ; she told me this was the first Letter she ever writ to Man in her life, except the Duke her brother; she was much solicited to write to Mr. Thomas Cary, but she would not. I did also your Message to the Marquesa d'Inojosa, who put me to sit a good while with her upon Estrado, which was no simple favour : you are much in both these Ladies' books, and much spoken of by divers others in this Court. I could not recover your Diamond Hatband which the Picaroon snatch'd from you in the Coach, tho' I us'd all means pos- sible, as far as book, bell, and candle, in point of Excom- munication against the party in all the Churches of Madrid, by which means you know divers things are recover'd. So N I 194 Familiar Letters. Book I. I most affectionately kiss your hands, and rest — Your most faithful Servitor, J. H. Tost.- — Yours of Mar. 2 came safe to hand. Madrid. XXXI. To my Cousin, Mr. J. Price {now Knight), at the Middle- Temple, yro7?i Madrid. COUSIN, suffer my Letter to salute you first in this Distich : A Thamesi Tagus quot leucis flunmie distat, Oscula tot fiianibus porio, Pricsee tuts. As many miles Thames lies from Tagus Strands, I bring so many kisses to thy hands. My Dear Jack, IN the large Register or Almanack of my Friends in England, you are one of the chiefest Red Letters, you are one of my Festival Rubriques : for whenever you fall upon my Mind, or my Mind falls upon you, I keep Holiday all the while; and this happens so often, that you leave me but a few Working-days thro'out the whole year, fewer far than this Country affords ; for in their Kalendar above five months of the twelve are dedicated to some Saint or other, and kept Festival ; a religion that the London Apprentices would like well. I thank you for yours of the third current, and the ample Relations you give me of London Occurrences, but princi- pally for the powerful and sweet assurances you give me of your Love, both in Verse and Prose. All businesses here are off the hinges; for one late Audience of my Lord of Bristol pull'd down what was so many years a raising. And as Thomas Aquinas told an Artist of a costly curious Statue in Rome, that by some accident while he was a trimming it, fell down, and so broke to pieces, Opus triginta annorum destruxisti, Thou hast destroy'd the work of thirty years ; so it may be said, that a work near upon ten years is now suddenly Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 195 suddenly shattered to peices. I hope by God's Grace to be now speedily in England, and to re-enjoy your most dear Society : In the meantime may all happiness attend you. Ad Litteram. Ocius ut grandire gradus oraito, possis Frosa, tibi binos jungimus ecce pedes : That in thy journey thou may'st be more fleet, To thy dull Prose I add these Metric feet. Resp. Ad mare cum vento, quid agatn f Repl. turn prcepete penna Teferat, est lator nam levis ignis, Amor. But when I come to Sea, how shall I shift ? Let Love transport thee then, for Fire is swift. — Your most affectionate Cousin, J. H. 30 Mar. 1624. XXXII. To the Lord Viscount Colchester, yVom Madrid. Right Honourable, YOUR Lordship's of the third current came to safe hand, and being now upon point of parting with this Court, I thought it worth the labour to send your Lordship a short Survey of the Monarchy of Spain; a bold undertaking, your Lordship will say, to comprehend within the narrow bounds of a Letter such a huge bulk ; but as in the boss of a small Diamond-ring one may discern the image of a mighty Mountain, so I will endeavour that your Lord- ship may behold the power of this great King in this Paper. Spain hath been always esteem'd a Country of ancient renown ; and as it is incident to all other, she hath had her vicissitudes and turns of Fortune: She hath been thrice o'ercome; by the Romans, by the Goths, and by the Moors: The middle Conquest continueth to this day; for this King and most of the Nobility profess themselves to have descended of the Goths: The Moors kept here about 700 years; and it is a remarkable Story how they got in first, which was thus 196 Familiar Letters. Book /. thus upon good Record. There reign'd in Sipain Don Rodrigo, who kept his Court then at Malaga; he employ'd the Conde Don Julian Ambassador to Barlary, who had a Daughter (a young beautiful Lady), that was Maid of Honour to the Queen : The King spying her one Day refreshing herself under an Arbor, fell enamour'd with her, and never left till he had deflower'd her. She resenting much the dishonour, writ a Letter to her Father in Barhary under this Allegory, That there was a fair green Jpple upon the Table, ajid the King's Poniard fell upont and cleft it in two. Don Julian, apprehending the meaning, got Letters of revocation and came back to Spain, where he so comply'd with the King, that he became his Favourite : Among other Things he advis'd the King, That in regard he was now in Peace with all the World, he would dismiss his Gallies and Garrisons that were up and down the Sea-coasts, because it was a superfluous charge. This being done, and the Country left open to any to invade, he prevail'd with the King to have leave to go with his Lady to see their friends in Tarragona, which was 300 miles off. Having been there a while, his Lady made semblance to be sick, and so sent to petition the King that her Daughter Donna Cava (whom they had left at Court to satiate the King's lust) might come to comfort her a while : Cava came, and the Gate thro' which she went forth is call'd after her name to this day in Malaga : Don Julian having all his chief Kindred there, he sail'd over to Barhary, and afterwards brought over the King of Morocco, and others with an Army, who suddenly invaded Spain, lying armless and open, and so conquer'd it. Don Rodrigo died gallantly in the Field, but what became of Don Julian, who for a particular Revenge betray'd his own Country, no Story makes mention. A few years before this happen'd, Rodrigo came to Toledo, where under the great Church there was a Vault with huge Iron-doors, and none of his Predecessors durst open it, because there was an old Prophecy, That when that Vault was opeiied Spain should he conquer'd. Rodrigo^ slighting the Prophecy, caus'd Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 197 caus'd the doors to be broke open, hoping to find there some Treasure ; but when he enter'd, there was nothing found but the Pictures of Moors, of such Men that a little after fulfill'd the Prophecy. Yet this last Conquest of Spain was not perfect, for divers parts North-west kept still under Christian Kings, specially Biscay, which was never conquer'd, as Whales in Britany; and the Biscayners have much Analogy with the Welsh in divers Things : They retain to this day the original Language of Spain, they are the most mountainous People, and they are reputed the ancientest Gentry j so that when any is to take the Order of Knighthood, there are no Inquisitors appointed to find whether he be clear of the blood of the Moors, as in other places. The King, when he comes upon the confines, pulls off one shoe before he can tread upon any Biscay Ground : And he hath good reason to esteem that Province, in regard of divers Advantages he hath by it ; for he hath his best Timber to build Ships, his best Marines, and all his Iron thence. There were divers bloody Battels 'twixt the remnant of Chistians 2i\\d the Moors, for 700 years together; and the Spaniards getting ground more and more, drave them at last to Granada, and thence also, in the time of Ferdinand and Isabella, quite over to Barbary : Their last King was Chico, who when he fled from Granada crying and weeping, the People upbraided him. That he might well weep like a Woman, who could not defend himself and them like a Man. This was that Ferdinand who obtain'd from Rome the Title of Catholick, tho' some Stories say, that many Ages before Ricaredus, the first Orthodox King of the Goths, was stiPd Catholicus in a Provincial Synod held at Toledo, which was continued by Alphonsus I., and then made hereditary by this Ferdinand. This absolute Conquest of the Moors happen'd about Henry VII.'s Time, when the foresaid Ferdinand and Isabella had by Alliance join'd Castile and dragon; which with the discovery of the West-Indies, which happen'd a little after, was the first foundation of that Greatness where- unto 198 Familiar Letters. Book I. unto Spain is now mounted. Afterwards there was an Alliance with Burgundy and Austria; by the first House seventeen Provinces fell to Spain; by the second Charles V. came to be Emperor : And remarkable it is how the House of Austria came to that height from a mean Earl ; the Earl of Hapsburg in Germany, who having been one day a-hunt- ing, he overtook a Priest who had been with the Sacra- ment to visit a poor sick body ; the Priest being tir'd, the Earl lighted off his Horse, help'd up the Priest, and so waited upon him a-foot all the while, till he brought him to the Church : The Priest giving him his Benediction at his going away, told him, that for this great Act of humility and piety, His Grace should he one of the greatest that ever the world had; and ever since, which is some 240 years ago, the Empire hath continued in that house, which after- wards was call'd the House of Austria. In Philip n.'s Time the Spanish Monarchy came to its highest pitch, by the conquest of Portugal, whereby the East-Indies, sundry Islands in the Atlantick Sea, and divers places in Barhary, were added to the Crown of Spain. By these steps this Crown came to this Grandeur; and truly, give the Spaniard his due, he is a mighty Monarch ; he hath Dominions in all parts of the World (which none of the four Monarchies had), both in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America (which he hath solely to himself), tho' our Henry VII. had the first proffer made him : So the Sun shines all the four-and-twenty hours of the natural day upon some part or other of his Countries, for part of the Antipodes are subject to him. He hath eight Viceroys in Europe, two in the East-Indies, two in the West, two in Africk, and about thirty Provincial Sovereign Commanders more; yet, as I was told lately, in a Discourse ^twixt him and our Prince at his being here, when the Prince fell to magnify his spacious Dominions, the King answer'd, Sir, His true, it hath pleased God to trust me with divers Nations and Countries, hut of all these there are hut two which yield me any clear revenues, viz., Spain and my West-Indies ; nor all Spain Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 199 Spain neither, hut Castile only ; the rest do scarce quit cost, for all is drunk up 'iwixt Governors and Garrisons : yet my advantage is to have the opportunity to propagate the Christian Religion, and to employ my Subjects. For the last, it must be granted that no Prince hath better means to breed brave Men, and more variety of Commands to heighten their Spirits with no petty but princely Employments. This King, besides, hath other means to oblige the Gentry to him, by such a huge number of Commendams, which he hath in his gift to bestow on whom he pleases of any of the three Orders of Knighthood j which England and France want. Some Noblemen in Spain can spend ,^^50,000, some forty, some thirty, and divers .^20,000 per ann. The Church here is exceeding rich, both in revenues, plate, and build- ings; one cannot go to the meanest Country Chapel but he will find Chalices, Lamps, and Candlesticks of Silver. There are some Bishopricks of ^30,000 per ann, and divers of ^10,000, and Toledo is ^^100,000 yearly revenue. As the Church is rich, so it is mightily reverenc'd here, and very powerful ; which made Philip II. rather depend upon the Clergy than the secular Power. Therefore I do not see how Spain can be called a poor Country, considering the revenues aforesaid of Princes and Prelates ; nor is it so thin of People as the World makes it, and one reason may be that there are sixteen Universities in Spain, and in one of these there were 15,000 Students at one time when I was there, I mean Salamanca; and in this Village of Madrid (for the King of Spain cannot keep his constant Court in any City) there are ordinarily 600,000 Souls. ^Tis true, that the Colonizing of the Indies and the Wars of Flanders have much drain'd this Country of People ; since the expulsion of the Moors it is also grown thinner, and not so full of Corn ; for those Moors would grub up Wheat out of the very Tops of the craggy Hills ; yet they us'd another Grain for their Bread : So that the Spaniard had nought else to do but to go with his Ass to the Market, and buy Corn of the Moors. There liv'd here also in Times past a 200 Familiar Letters. Book I. a great number of Jews^ till they were expell'd by Fer-^ dinand; and, as I have read in an old Spanish Legend, the cause was this : The King had a young Prince to his Son, who was us'd to play with a Jewish Doctor that was about the Court, who had a ball of gold in a string hanging down his breast: The little Prince one day snatch'd away the said golden ball, and carried it to the next room ; the ball being hollow, open'd, and within there was painted our Saviour kissing a Jew's tail. Hereupon they were all suddenly dis- terr'd and exterminated ; yet I believe in Portugal there lurks yet good store of them. For the Soil of Spain, the fruitfiilness of their Vallies recompences the sterility of their Hills; Corn is their greatest want, and want of Rain is the cause of that, which makes them have need of their Neighbours : Yet as much as Spai?i bears is passing good, and so is everything else for the quality ; nor hath any one a better horse under him, a better cloak on his back, a better sword by his side, better shoes on his feet, than the Spaniard : Nor doth any drink better wine, or eat better fruit than he, nor flesh for the quantity. Touching the People, the Spaniard looks as high, tho' not so big as a German ; his excess is in too much gravity, which some, who know him not well, hold to be pride; he cares not how little he labours, for poor Gascons and Morisco slaves do most of his work in field and vineyard : He can endure much in the war, yet he loves not to fight in the dark, but in open day, or upon a stage, that all the world might be witnesses of his valour; so that you shall seldom hear of Spaniards employ'd in Night-service, nor shall one hear of a Duel here in an Age. He hath one good quality, that he is wonderfully obedient to Government; for the proudest Don of Spain, when he is prancing upon his Ginnet in the street, if an Alguazil (a Sergeant) shew him his Vare, that is, a little white stafl" he carrieth as a badge of his OfKce, my Don will down presently off his horse, and yield himself his prisoner. He hath another commendable quality Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 201 quality, that when he giveth Ahtis he pulls off his Hat, and puts it in the beggar's hand with a great deal of humility. His gravity is much lessened since the late Proclamation came out against ruffs, and the King himself shew'd the first example ; they were come to that height of excess herein, that twenty shillings were us'd to be paid for starching of a ruff: And some, tho' perhaps he had never a shirt to his back, yet he would have a toting huge swell- ing ruff about his neck. He is sparing in his ordinary diet, but when he makes a feast he is free and bountiful. As to temporal Authority, specially Martial, so is he very obedient to the Church, and believes all with an implicit faith. He is a great servant of Ladies, nor can he be blam'd, for, as I said before, he comes of a Goatish race; yet he never brags of, nor blazes abroad his doings that way, but is ex- ceedingly careful of the repute of any Woman (a Civility that we much want in England). He will speak high words of Don Philippo his King, but will not endure a stranger should do so: I have heard a Biscayner make a RodomantadOf that he was as good a Gentleman as Don Philippo himself, for Don Philippo was half a Spaniard, half a German, half an Italian, half a Frenchman, half I know not what, but he was a pure Biscayner without mixture. The Spaniard is not so smooth and oily in his Compliment as the Italian; and tho' he will make strong protestations, yet he will not swear out Compliments like the French and English: As I heard when my Lord of Carlisle was Ambassador in France, there came a great Monsieur to see him, and having a long time banded, and sworn Compliments one to another who should go first out at a door, at last my Lord of Carlisle said, S Monseigneur, ayez pitie de mon ame, O my Lord, have pity upon my soul. The Spaniard is generally given to gaming, and that in excess ; he will say his Prayers before, and if he win he will thank God for his good fortune after. Their common game at Cards (for they very seldom play at Dice) is Primera, at which the King never shews his game, but throws 202 Familiar Letters. Book I. throws his cards with their faces down on the table. He is merchant of all the Cards and Dice thro' all the King- dom ; he hath them made for a penny a pair, and he retails them for twelvepence; so that 'tis thought he hath ,^30,000 a year by this trick at Cards. The Spaniard is very devout in his way, for I have seen him kneel in the very dirt when the Ave Mary bell rings ; and some, if they spy two straws or sticks lie cross-wise in the street, they will take them up and kiss them, and lay them down again. He walks as if he march'd, and seldom looks on the ground, as if he contemn'd it. I was told of a Spaniard, who having got a a fall by a stumble, and broke his nose, rose up, and in a disdainful manner said, Voto a tal esio es caminar por la tierra; This it is to walk upon earth. The Lahradors and Country Swains here are sturdy and Rational Men, nothing so simple or servile as the French Peasant who is born in chains. 'Tis true, the Spaniard is not so conversable as other Nations (unless he hath travell'd), else he is like Mars among the Planets, impatient of Conjunction; Nor is he so free in his gifts and rewards ; as the last Summer it happen'd that Count Gondomar, with Sir Francis Cotiington, went to see a curious House of the Constable of Castile's, which had been newly built here; the Keeper of the House was very officious to shew him every room, with the Garden, Grottos, and Aqueducts, and presented him with some Fruit; Gondomar having been a long time in the House, coming out, put many Compliments of thanks upon the Man, and so was going away ; Sir Francis whisper'd him in the Ear, and ask'd him whether he would give the Man anything that took such pains: Oh, quoth Gondomar, well remember'd; Don Francisco, have you ever a double Pistole about you ? If you have, you may give it him, and then you pay him after the English manner ; I have paid him already after the Spanish. The Spaniard is much improved in Policy since he took footing in Italy, and there is no Nation agrees with him better. I will conclude this Character with a saying that he hath — No Sect, 3. Familiar Letters. 203 No ay hombre debaxo d'el Sol, Coma el Italiano y el Espanol. Whereunto a Frenchman answer'd — Dizes la verdad, y tienes razon, El uno es puto, el otro ladron. English'd thus — Beneath the Sun there's no such Man, As is the Spaniard and Italian. The Frenchman answers — Thou tell'st the truth, and reason hast, The first's a Thief, a Buggerer the last. Touching their Women, Nature hath made a more visible distinction 'twixt the two Sexes here than elsewhere ; for the Men for the most part are swarthy and rough, but the Women are of a far finer mould ; they are commonly little : And whereas there is a Saying that makes a compleat Woman, let her be English to the neck, French to the waste, and Dutch below; I may add, for hands and feet let her be Spanish, for they have the least of any. They have another Saying, A Frenchwoman in a dance, a Dutchwoman in the kitchen, an Italian in a window, an England-woman at board, and the Spanish a-bed. When they are married, they have a privilege to wear high shoes, and to paint, which is generally practised here ; and the Queen useth it herself. They are coy enough, but not so froward as our English; for if a Lady go along the street (and all Women going here veil'd, and their habit so generally alike, one can hardly distinguish a Countess from a Cobler's Wife), if one should cast out an odd ill-sounding word, and ask her a favour, she will not take it ill, but put it off, and answer you with some witty retort. After thirty they are commonly past Child-bearing, and I have seen Women in England look as youthful at fifty as some here at twenty-five. Money will do miracles here in purchasing the favour of Ladies, or anything else; tho' this be the Country of Money, for it furnisheth well near all the World besides, yea their very Enemies, as the 204 Familiar Letters. Book I. the Turk and Hollander ; insomuch that one may say, the Coin of Spain is as Catholic as her King. Yet tho' he be the greatest King of gold and silver Mines in the World (I think), yet the common current Coin here is Copper : And herein I believe the Hollander hath done him more mischief by counterfeiting his Copper Coins than by their Arms, bringing it in by strange surreptitious ways, as in hollow Sows of Tin and Lead, hollow Masts, in Pitch Buckets under water, and other ways. But I fear to be injurious to this great King, to speak of him in so narrow a compass; a great King indeed, tho' the French in a slighting way com- pare his Monarchy to a Beggar^ s Cloak made up of Patches i They are Patches indeed, but such as he hath not the like : The East-Indies is a Patch embroider'd with Pearls, Rubies, and Diamonds : Peru is a Patch embroider'd with massy Gold, Mexico with Silver, Naples and Milan are Patches of Cloth of Tissue; and if these Patches were in one piece, what would become of his Cloak embroider'd with Flower- de-luces ? So, desiring your Lordship to pardon this poor imperfect Paper, considering the high quality of the Subject, 1 rest — Your Lordship's most humble Servitor, J. H. Madrid, i Feb. 1623. XXXIII. To Mr. Walsingham Gresley, yVom Madrid, Don Balchasar, I THANK you for your Letter in my Lord's last Packet, wherein, among other passages, you write to me the circumstances of Marquis Spinola's raising his Leaguer, by flatting and firing his works before Berghen. He is much tax'd here, to have attempted it, and to have bury'd so much of the King's Treasure before that Town in such costly Trenches. A Gentleman came hither lately, who was at the Siege all the while, and he told me one strange Passage ; how Sir Ferdinando Cary, a huge corpulent Knight, was shot thro' his Body ; the Bullet entring at the Navel, and coming out Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 205 out at his Back, kill'd his Man behind him ; yet he lives still, and is like to recover. With this miraculous Accident, he told me also a merry one ; how a Captain that had a wooden Leg booted over, had it shatter'd to pieces by a Cannon-bullet : His Soldiers crying, A Surgeon, a Surgeon, for the Captain; No, no, said he, A Carpenter, a Carpenter will serve the turn. To this pleasant Tale I'll add another that happen' d lately in Alcala hard by, of a Dominican Fryar, who in a solemn Procession which was held there upon Ascension-day last, had his Stones dangling under his habit cut off instead of his Pocket by a Cut-purse. Before you return hither, which I understand will be speedily, I pray bestow a visit on our Friends in Bishops- gate-street. So I am — Your faithful Servitor, J. H. 3 Felf. 1623. XXXIV. To Sir Robert Napier, Kt., at his House in Bishopsgate- street. Sir, THE late breach of the Match hath broke the neck of all businesses here, and mine suffers as much as any : I had Access lately to Olivares, once or twice ; I had Audience also of the King, to whom I presented a Memorial that intimated Letters of Mart, unless satisfaction were had from his Viceroy, the Conde del Real. The King gave me a gracious Answer, but Olivares a churlish one, viz.. That when the Spaniards had justice in England, we should have justice here. So that notwithstanding I have brought it to the highest point and pitch of perfection in Law that could be, and procured some dispatches, the like whereof were never granted in this Court before, yet I am in despair now to do any good. I hope to be shortly in England, by God's grace, to give you and the rest of the Proprietaries a punctual Account of all things : And you may easily conceive how sorry I am that matters succeeded not according to your expectation 2o6 Familiar Letters. Book /. expectation, and my endeavours: But I hope you are none of those that measure things by the Event. The Earl of Bristol, Count Gondomar, and my Lord Ambassador Aston did not only do courtesies, but they did co-operate with me in it, and contribute their utmost endeavours. So I rest — Yours to serve you, J. H. Madrid, i8 Feb. 1623. XXXV. To Mr. A. S., in Alicant. MUCH endear'd Sir, Fire, you know, is the common Emblem of Love ; but without any disparagement to so noble a Passion, methinks it might be compar'd also to Tinder, and Letters are the properest matter whereof to make this Tinder : Letters again are fittest to kindle, and re-accend this Tinder ; they may serve both for Flint, Steel, and Match. This Letter of mine comes therefore of set pur- pose to strike some sparkles into yours, that it may glow and burn, and receive ignition, and not lie dead, as it hath ^ done a great while. I make my Pen to serve for an in- strument to stir the Cinders wherewith your old Love to me hath been covered a long time; therefore I pray let no Couvrez-feu-^tW have power hereafter to rake up, and choke with the Ashes of Oblivion, that clear Flame wherewith our Affections did use to sparkle so long by correspondence of Letters, and other Offices of Love. I think I shall sojourn yet in this Court these three months ; for I will not give over this great business while there is the least breath of hope remaining. I know you have choice matters of Intelligence sometimes from thence; therefore I pray impart some unto us, and you shall not fail to know how matters pass here weekly. So, with my Besamanos to Francisco Imperial, I rest — Yours most affectionately to serve you, J, H. Madrid, 3 Mar. 1623. XXXVL Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 207 XXXVI. To the Honoiiralle Sir T. S.^ at Tower-hill, Sir, I WAS yesterday at the Esairial to see the Monastery of St. Laurence, the eighth wonder of the World ; and truly, considering the Site of the place, the State of the thing, and the Symmetry of the structure, with divers other rari- ties, it may be call'd so ; for what I have seen in Italy and other places are but baubles to it. It is built amongst a company of craggy barren hills, which makes the Air the hungrier and wholsomer : It is all built of Free-stone and Marble, and that with such solidity and moderate height, that surely Philip II.'s chief design was to make a sacrifice of it to Eternity, and to contest with the Meteors, and Time itself. It cost eight Millions, it was twenty-four years a building, and the Founder himself saw it finish'd, and en- joyed it twelve years after, and carry'd his Bones himself thither to be buried. The reason that mov'd King Philip to waste so much Treasure, was a vow he had made at the battell of St. Quintin, where he was forc'd to batter a Monastery of St. Laurence Friers, and if he had the Victory, he would erect such a Monastery to St. Laurence, that the World had not the like; therefore the form of it is like a Gridiron, the handle is a huge Royal Palace, and the body a vast Monastery or Assembly of quadrangular Cloysters ; for there are as many as there be months in the year. There be a hundred Monks, and every one hath his man and his mule, and a multitude of Officers. Besides, there are three Libraries there full of the choicest Books for all Sciences. It is beyond expression what Grots, Gardens, Walks, and Aqueducts there are there, and what curious Fountains in the upper Cloysters, for there be two stages of Cloysters : In fine, there is nothing that's vulgar there. To take a view of every Room in the House, one must make account to go ten miles; there is a Vault call'd the Pantheon under the highest 2o8 Familiar Letters. Book I. highest Altar, which is all pav'd, wall'd, and arch'd with Marble; there be a number of huge silver Candlesticks, taller than I am ; Lamps three yards' compass, and divers Chalices and Crosses of massy Gold : There is one Quire made all of burnish'd Brass, Pictures and Statues like Giants, and a world of glorious things, that purely ravish'd me. By this mighty Monument, it may be inferred, that Philip II., tho' he was a little man, yet had he vast gigantick thoughts in him, to leave such a huge Pile for posterity to gaze upon, and admire his memory. No more now, but that I rest — Your humble Servitor, J. H. Madrid, 9 Mar. 1623. XXXVII. To the Lord Viscount Co\, Jrom Madrid. My Lord, YOU writ to me not long since, to send you an Account of the Duke of Ossuna's death, a little man, but of great fame and fortunes, and much cried up, and known up and down the World. He was revok'd from being Viceroy of Naples (the best employment the K. of Spain hath for a Subject) upon some disgust : And being come to this Court, when he was brought to give an Account of his Government, being troubled with the Gout, he carry'd his sword in his hand instead of a staff; the King misliking of the manner of his posture, turn'd his back to him, and so went away : Thereupon he was overheard to mutter, Esto es para servir muchaclios ; This it is to serve hoys. This coming to the King's ear, he was apprehended and com- mitted prisoner to a Monastery not far off, where he con- tinued some years, until his beard came to his girdle ; then growing very ill, he was permitted to come to his house in this Town, being carry'd in a bed upon men's shoulders, and so died some years ago. There were divers Accusations against him ; amongst the rest, I remember these, That he had kept the Marquis de Campolaiaro^s wife, sending her husband Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 209 husband out of the way upon employment: That he had got a bastard of a Turkish woman, and suffer'd the child to be brought up in the Mahometan religion : That being one day at High-Mass, when the Host was elevated, he drew out of his pocket a piece of Gold, and held it up, in- timating that that was his God : That he had invited some of the prime Courtesans of Naples to a Feast, and after dinner made a Banquet for them in his Garden, where he commanded them to strip themselves stark naked, and go up and down, while he shot Sugar-plums at them out of a Trunk, which they were to take up from off their high Chapins ; and such like extravagancies. One (among divers others) witty passage was told me of him, which was, that when he was Viceroy of Sicily, there died a great rich Duke, who left but one Son, whom, with his whole estate, he bequeathed to the Tutele of the Jesuits; and the words of the Will were, When he is passd his minority (Darete al mio JigUuolo quel que voi volete), you shall give my Son what you will. It seems the Jesuits took to themselves two parts of three of the estate, and gave the rest to the heir. The young Duke complaining hereof to the Duke of Ossuna, then Viceroy, he commanded the Jesuits to appear before him : He ask'd them how much of the Estate they would have; they answer'd, two parts of three, which they had almost employed already to build Monasteries and an Hospital, to erect particular Altars, and Masses, to sing Dirges, and Refrigeriums for the Soul of the deceased Duke. Hereupon the Duke of Ossuna caus'd the Will to be produc'd, and found therein the words afore recited. When he is pass'd his minority, you shall give my Son of my Estate what you will. Then he told the Jesuits, You must, by vertue and tenor of these words, give what you will to the Son, which by your own confession is two parts of three. And so he determin'd the business. Thus have I in part satisfied your Lordship's desire, which I shall do more amply when I shall be made happy to attend you in Person, which I hope will be ere it be o long T 2IO Familiar Letters. Book I. long. In the interim, I take my leave of you from Spain, and rest — Your Lordship's most ready and humble Servitor, J. H. Madrid, 13 Mar. 1623. XXXVIII. To Simon Digby, Esq. Sir, THANK you for the several sorts of Cyphers you sent X me to write by, which were very choice ones, and curious. Crytology, or epistolizing in a clandestine way, is very ancient : I read in A. Gellius, that C. CcBsar in his Letters to Caius Oppius and Balhus CorneVms, who were two of his greatest Confidents in managing his private Affairs, did write in Cyphers by a various transportation of the Alphabet; whereof Proclus Grammaticus, de occulta litera- rum signijicatione Epistolarum C. Ccesaris, writes a curious Commentary. But methinks that certain kind of Hiero- glyphics, the celestial Signs, the seven Planets, and other Constellations, might make a curious kind of Cypher, as I will more particularly demonstrate to you in a Scheme, when I shall be happy with your Conversation. So I rest — Your assured Servitor, J. H. Madrid, 15 Mar. 1623. XXXIX. To Sir James Crohs, from Bilboa. Sir, BEING safely come to the Marine, in convoy of His Majesty's Jewels, and being to sojourn here some days, the conveniency of this Gentleman (who knows, and much honoureth you), he being to ride Post thro' France, invited me to send you this. We were but five Horsemen in all our seven days' jour- ney, from Madrid hither, and the charge Mr. Wiches had is valued Sect. 3. Familiar Letters. 211 valued at 400,000 Crowns; but ^tls such safe travelling in Spain, that one may carry Gold in the palm of his hand, the Government is so good. When we had gain'd Biscay Ground, we pass'd one day thro' a Forest; and lighting off our Mules to take a little Repast under a Tree, we took down our Alforjas, and some bottles of wine (and you know 'tis ordinary here to ride with one's victuals about him), but as we were eating, we spy'd two huge Wolves, who stared upon us a while, but had the good manners to go away. It put me in mind of a pleasant Tale I heard Sir Tho. Fair- fax relate of a Soldier in Ireland, who having got his Pass- port to go for England, as he pass'd thro' the Wood with his Knapsack upon his back, being weary, he sat down under a Tree, where he open'd his Knapsack, and fell to some victuals he had ; but on a sudden he was surpriz'd with two or three Wolves, who coming towards him, he threw them scraps of bread and cheese, till all was gone ; then the Wolves making a nearer Approach to him, he knew not what shift to make, but by taking a pair of Bag-pipes which he had, and as soon as he began to play upon them the Wolves ran all away as if they had been scar'd out of their wits ; Whereupon the Soldier said, A pox take you all, if I had known you had lov'd Musick so well, you should have had it before dinner. If there be a Lodging void at the three Halbards-heads, I pray be pleas'd to cause it to be reserv'd for me. So I rest — Your humble Servitor, J.H. 6 &//. 1624. Section Section IV. I. To my Father, yrom London. Sir, I AM newly return'd fronf Spain. I came over in convoy of the Prince's Jewels, for which one of the Ships- Royal with the Catch were sent under the command of Captain Love: We landed at Plymouth, whence I came by Post to Theobalds in less than two nights and a day, to bring His Majesty news of their safe Arrival. The Prince had newly got a fall off a Horse, and kept his Chamber. The Jewels were valued at above ,3^100,000. Some of them a little before the Prince's departure had been presented to the Infanta, but she waving to receive them, yet with a civil Compliment, they were left in the hands of one of the Secretaries of State for her use upon the Wedding-day ; and it was no unworthy thing in the Spaniard to deliver them back, notwithstanding that the Treaties both of Match and Palatinate had been dissolv'd a pretty while before by Act of Parliament, that a War was threaten'd, and Ambas- sadors revok'd. There were Jewels also among them to be presented to the King and Queen of Spain, to most of the Ladies of Honour, and the Grandees. There was a great Table-Diamond for O/ivare^ of eighteen Carrats weight ; but the richest of all was to the Infanta herself, which was a chain of great Orient Pearl, to the number of 276, weigh- ing nine Ounces. The Spaniards, notwithstanding they are the Masters of the Staple of Jewels, stood astonish'd at the beauty of these, and confess'd themselves to be put down. Touching the Employment upon which I went to Spain, I had my charges born all the while, and that was all ; had it taken effect, I had made a good business of it : But 'tis no wonder Sect. 4. Familiar Letters. 213 wonder (nor can it be, I hope, any disrepute to me) that I could not bring to pass what three Ambassadors could not do before me. I am now casting about for another Fortune, and some hopes I have of Employment about the D. of Buckingham. He sways more than ever ; for whereas he was before a Favourite to the King, he is now a Favourite to Parliament, People, and City, for breaking the Match with Spain. Touching his own Interest, he had reason to do it, for the Spaniards love him not: But whether the public Interest of the State will suffer in it or no, I dare not determine ; for my part, I hold the Spanish Match to be better than their Powder, and their Wares better than their Wars ; and I shall be ever of that mind. That no Country is able to do England less hurt, ajid more good than Spain, considering the large Trafic and Treasure that is to be got thereby. I shall continue to give you Account of my Courses when opportunity serves, and to dispose of matters so, that I may attend you this Summer in the country. So, desiring still your Blessing and Pravers, I rest — Your dutiful Son, J.H. 10 Dec. 1624. II. To R. Brown, Esq., from London. Dear Sir, THERE is no Seed so fruitful as that of Love : I do not mean that gross carnal Love which propagates the World, but that which preserves it ; to wit. Seeds of Friend- ship, which hath little commerce with the Body, but is a thing divine and spiritual. There cannot be a more preg- nant proof hereof than those Seeds of Love, which I have long since cast into your Breast, which have thriven so well, and in that exuberance, that they have been more fruitful to me than that Field in Sicily call'd Le trecente cariche, The Field of 300 Loads, so call'd because it returns the Sower 300 for one yearly; so plentiful hath your Love been to me. But among other sweet Fruits it hath born, those 214 Familiar Letters. Book I. those precious Letters which you have sent me from time to time, both at home and abroad, are not of the least value : I did always hug and highly esteem them, and you in them, for they yielded me both Profit and Pleasure. That Seed which you have also sown in me hath fructify'd something, but it hath not been able to make you such rich returns, or afford so plentiful a crop ; yet I dare say this crop, how thin soever, was pure and free from tares, from cockle or darnel, from flattery or falsehood, and what it shall produce hereafter shall be so; nor shall any injury of the Heavens, as Tempest, or Thunder and Lightning (I mean no cross or affliction whatsoever), be able to blast and smut it, or hinder it to grow up and fructify still. This is the third time God Almighty hath been pleas'd to bring me back to the sweet bosom of my dear Country from beyond the Seas ; I have been already comforted with the sight of many of my choice Friends, but I miss you ex- tremely: Therefore I pray make haste, for London streets, which you and I have trod together so often, will prove tedious to me else. Among other things, Black-Friars will entertain you with a Play spick and span new, and the Cockpit with another J nor, I believe, after so long Absence, will it be an unpleasing object for you to see — Your J.H. 20 Jan. 1624. III. To the Lord Viscount Colchester. Right Honourable, MY last to your Lordship was in Italian, with the Venetian Gazetta inclos'd. Count Mansfelt is upon point of parting, having obtain'd, it seems, the sum of his desires : He was lodg'd all the while in the same Quarter of St. James's which was appointed for the Infanta : He supp'd yesternight with the Council of War, and he hath a grant of 13,000 Men English and Scots, whom he will have ready in the Body of an Army against the next Spring ; and Sect. 4. Familiar Letters. 215 and they say that England, France, Venice, and Savoy do contribute for the maintenance thereof <^6o,ooo a month. There can be no conjecture, much less any judgment, made yet of his design ; most think it will be for relieving Breda, which is straitly begirt by Spinola, who gives out, that he hath her already as a bird in a cage, and will have her, maugre all the opposition in Christendom ; yet there is fresh news come over, that Prince Maurice hath got on the back of him, and hath beleaguer'd him, as he hath done the Town, which I want faith to believe yet, in regard of the huge cir- cuit of Spinolas Works, for his circumvallations are cry'd up to be near upon twenty miles. But while the Spaniard is spending Millions here for getting small Towns, the Hollander gets Kingdoms of him elsewhere; he hath invaded and taken lately from the Portugal part of Brazil, a rich Country for Sugars, Cottons, Balsams, Dying-wood, and divers Commodities besides. The Treaty of Marriage 'twixt our Prince and the youngest Daughter of France goes on apace, and my Lords of Carlisle and Holland are in Paris about it ; we shall see now what difference there is 'twixt the French and Spanish pace. The two Spanish Ambassadors have been gone hence long since; they say they are both in prison, one in Burgos in Spain, the other in Flanders, for the scandalous informa- tion they made here against the D. of Buckingham; about which, the day before their departure hence, they desir'd to have one private Audience more, but His Majesty deny'd them. I believe they will not continue long in disgrace, for matters grow daily worse and worse 'twixt us and Spain : For divers Letters of Mart are granted our Merchants, and Letters of Mart are commonly the forerunners of a War. Yet they say Gondomar will be on his way hither again about the Palatinate ; for the K. of Denmark appears now in his Niece's quarrel, and arms apace. No more now, but that I kiss your Lordship's hands, and rest — Your most humble and ready Servitor, J. H. London, 5 Feb. 1624. IV. 2i6 Familiar Letters. Book L IV. To my Cousin, Mr. Rowland Gwin. Cousin, I WAS lately sorry, and I was lately glad, that I heard you were ill, that I heard you are well. — Your affec- tionate Cousin, J. H. V. To Thomas Jones, Esq. Tom, IF you are in health 'tis well ; we are here all so ; and we should be better had we your company : Therefore I pray leave the smutty Air of London, and come hither to breathe sweeter, where you may pluck a Rose, and drink a Cillibub.— Your faithful Friend, J. H. Kentis, i June 1625. VI. To D. C. THE bearer hereof hath no other Errand but to know how you do in the Country, and this Paper is his cre- dential Letter ; Therefore I pray hasten his dispatch, and, if you please, send him back, like the Man in the Moon, with a basket of your Fruit on his back. — Your true Friend, J. H. Lofid., 10 Aug. 1625. VIL To my Father, yVoTTi London. Sir, IRECEIV'D yours of the third of February, by the hands of my Cousin Thomas Gwin of Trecastle. It was my fortune to be on Sunday fortnight at Theo- balds, where his late Majesty K. James departed this life, and went to his last rest upon the day of rest, presently after Sermon was done. A little before break of day he sent for the Prince, who rose out of his Bed, and came in his Night- gown. Sect. 4. Familiar Letters. 217 gown. The King seem'd to have some earnest thing to say to him, and so endeavour'd to raise himself upon his Pillow ; but his Spirits were so spent, that he had not strength to make his words audible. He died of a Fever which began with an Ague, and some Scotch Doctors mutter at a Plaister the Countess of Buckingham applied at the outside of his Stomach : 'Tis thought the last breach of the Match with Spain which for many years he had so vehemently desir'd, took too deep an impression in him j and that he was forc'd to rush into a War now in his declining Age, having liv'd in a continual uninterrupted Peace his whole life, except some collateral Aids he had sent his Son-in-law. As soon as he expir'd the Privy Council sat, and in less than a quarter of an hour King Charles was proclaira'd at Theobalds Court-gate, by Sir Edw. Zouch Knight Marshal, Mr. Secretary Conway dictating to him, That whereas it had pleased God to take to his mercy our most gracious Sovereign K. James of famous memory, We proclaim Prince Charles, his rightful and indu- bitable Heir, to be King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, &c. The Knight Marshal mistook, saying his right- ful and dubitable Heir, but he was rectify'd by the Secretary. This being done, I took my Horse instantly, and came to London first except one, who was come a little before me, insomuch that I found the Gates shut. His now Majesty took Coach, and theD. oi Buckingham with him, and came to St. James's ; in the evening he was proclaim'd at Whitehall- gate in Cheapside, and other places in a sad shower of Rain : And the Weather was suitable to the condition wherein he finds the Kingdom, which is cloudy : for he is left engag'd in a War with a potent Prince, the People by long desuetude unapt for Arms, the Fleet-Royal in quarter repair, himself without a Queen, his Sister without a Country, the Crown pitifully laden with Debts, and the Purse of the State lightly bal- lasted, tho' it never had better opportunity to be rich than it had these last twenty years. But God Almighty, I hope, will make him emerge, and pull this Island out of all the plunges, and preserve us from worser times. The 2i8 Familiar Letters. Book I. The Plague is begun in White-chapel, and, as they say, in the same house, on the same day of the month, with the same number that dy'd twenty-two years since, when Q,. Elizabeth departed. There are great Preparations for the Funeral, and there is a design to buy all the Cloth for Mourning white, and then to put it to the Dyers in gross, which is like to save the Crown a good deal of Money; the Drapers murmur ex- tremely at the Lord Craiifield for it. I am not settled yet in any stable Condition, but I lie wind-bound at the Cape of good Hope, expecting some gentle gale to launch out into any Employment. So, with my Love to all my Brothers and Sisters at the Bryn, and near Brecknock, I humbly crave a continuance of your Prayers and Blessing to — Your dutiful Son, J. H. II Dec. 1625. VIII. To Dr. Prichard. Sir, SINCE I was beholden to you for your many Favours in Oxford I have not heard from you {ne gry quidem) ; I pray let the wonted Correspondence be now reviv'd, and receive new vigour between us. My Lord Chancellor Bacon is lately dead of a long languishing weakness ; he died so poor that he scarce left money to bury him, which, tho' he had a great Wit, did argue no great Wisdom ; it being one of the essential Properties of a wise Man, to provide for the main chance. I have read, that it had been the fortunes of all Poets commonly to die beggars ; but for an Orator, a Lawyer, and Philosopher, as he was, to die so, 'tis rare. It seems the same fate befel him that attended Demosthenes, Seneca, and Cicero (all great Men), of whom, the two first fell by Cor- ruption. The fairest Diamond may have a flaw in it, but I believe he died poor out of a contempt of the Pelf of Fortune, as also out of an excess of Generosity, which appear'd Sect. 4. Familiar Letters. 219 appear'd, as in divers other passages, so once when the King had sent him a Stag, he sent up for the Under-keeper, and having drunk the King's health to him in a great Silver-gilt bowl, he gave it him for his Fee. He wrote a pitiful letter to K. James, not long before his death, and concludes, Help me, dear Sovereign Lord and Master, and pity me so far, that I, who have been born to a Bag, be not now in my Age forc'd in eifect to bear a IVallet ; nor that I, who desire to live to study, may be driven to study to live. Which words, in my opinion, argu'd a little Abjection of Spirit, as his former Letter to the Prince did of Profaneness ; wherein he hop'd, that as the Father was his Creator, the Son will be his Redeemer. I write not this to derogate from the noble worth of the Lord Viscount Veridam, who was a rare Man; a Man Reconditce scientice, ^ ad salutem literarum natus, and I think the eloquentest that was born in this Isle. They say he shall be the last Lord Chancellor, as Sir Edward Coke was the last Lord Chief Justice of England; for ever since they have been term'd Lord Chief Justices of the King's- hench : So hereafter they shall be only Keepers of the Great Seal, which, for Title and Office, are deposable ; but they say the Lord Chancellor^ s Title is indelible. I was lately at Gray's-Inn with Sir Euhule, and he desir'd me to remember him to you, as I do also salute Meiim Prichardum ex imis praecordiis. Vale Ke<^aXri jxol irpoa^Cke- J'"h 1627. II. 248 Familiar Letters. Book I. II. To Mr. Richard Leat. OIGNOR mioy It is now a great while, methinks, since any Act of Friendship, or other interchangeable offices of love have pass'd between us, either by Letters, or other accustom'd ways of correspondence; and as I will not ac- cuse, so I go not about to clear myself in this point : Let this long silence be term'd therefore a Cessation rather than Neglect on both sides. A Bow that lies a while unbent, and a Field that remains fallow for a time, grow never the worse, but afterwards the one sends forth an Arrow more strongly, the other yields a better Crop, being recultivated : Let this be also verify'd in us, let our Friendship grow more fruitful after this pause, let it be more active for the future : You see I begin and shoot the first shaft. I send you here- with a couple of red Deer Pies, the one Sir Arthur Ingram gave me, the other my Lord President's Cook; I could not tell where to bestow them better. In your next let me know which is the best seasoned ; I pray let the Sydonian Merchant, Jo. Bruckhurst, be at the eating of them, and then I know they will be well soak'd. If you please to send me a barrel or two of Oysters which we want here, I promise you they shall be well eaten with a Cup of the best Claret, and the best Sherry (to which Wine this Town is altogether addicted) shall not be wanting. I understand the Lord IVeston is Lord Treasurer; we may say now, that we have Treasurers of all tenses, for there are four living, to wit, the Lords Manchester, Middle- sex, Marlborough, and the newly chosen. I hear also that the good old Man (the last) hath retir'd to his Lodgings in Lincoln's- Inn, and so reduc'd himself to his first principles; which makes me think that he cannot bear up long, now that the Staff is taken from him. I pray in your next send me the Venetian Gazetta. So, with my kind Respects to your Father, I rest — Yours, J. H. York, ^July 1627. III. Sect. 5. Familiar Letters. 249 III. To Sir Ed. Sa., Knight. Sir, "nr^WAS no great matter to be a Prophet, and to have J. foretold this rupture 'twixt us and France upon the the sudden renvoy of Her Majesty's Servants ; for many of them had sold their Estates in France, given Money for their Places, and so thought to live and die in England in the Queen's Service, and so have pitifully complain'd to that King; thereupon he hath arrested above 100 of our Merchant-men that went to the Vintage at Bourdeaux. We also take some stragglers of theirs, for there are Letters of Mart given on both sides. There are Writs issued out for a Parliament, and the Town of Richmond in Richmondshire hath made choice of me for their Burgess, tho' Master Christopher Wandesford^ and other powerful Men, and more deserving than I, stood for it. I pray God send me fair Weather in the House of Commons, for there is much murmuring about the restraint of those that would not conform to Loan Moneys. There is a great Fleet preparing, and an Army of Landmen ; but the design is uncertain, whether it be against Spain, or France, for we are now in enmity with both those Crowns. The French Cardinal hath been lately t'other side the ^Ips, and settled the Duke of Nevers in the Duchy of Mantua, notwithstanding the opposition of the King of Spain and the Emperor, who alleg'd. That he was to receive his In- vestiture from him, and that was the chief ground of the War; but the French Arms have done the work, and come triumphantly back over the Hills again. No more now, but that I am, as always — Your true Friend, J. H. 2 March 1627. IV. 250 Familiar Letters. Book I. IV. To the Worshipful Mr. Alderman of the Town of Richmond, and the rest of the luorthy Memlers of that ancient Corporation. Sir, I RECEIVED a public Instrument from you lately, subscrib'd by yourself and divers others, wherein I find that you have made choice of me to be one of your Burgesses for this now approaching Parliament; I could have wish'd that you had not put by Master Wandesford, and other worthy Gentlemen that stood so earnestly for it, who being your Neighbours, had better means and more abilities to serve you. Yet since you have cast these high respects upon me, I will endeavour to acquit myself of the Trust, and to answer your expectation accordingly : And as I account this Election an honour to me, so I esteem it a greater advantage, that so worthy and well- experienced a Knight as Sir Talbot Bows is to be my Collegue and Fellow-Burgess; I shall steer by his compass, and follow his directions in anything that may concern the welfare of your Town, and the Precincts thereof, either for redress of any grievance, or by proposing some new thing that may conduce to the further benefit and advantage thereof; and this I take to be the true duty of a Parlia- mentary Burgess, without roving at random to generals. I hope to learn of Sir Talbot what's fitting to be done, and I shall apply myself accordingly to join with him to serve you with my best Abilities. So I rest — Your most assured and ready Friend to do you Service, J. H. Lond., 24 Mar. 1627. V. To the Right Hon. the Lord Clifford, at Knaresborough. My Lord, THE news that fills all mouths at present, is the return of the Dukcoi Buckingham from the Isle ofRee,OT,a.s some call Sect. 5. Familiar Letters. 251 call it, the Isle of Rue, for the bitter success we had there ; for we had but a tart entertainment in that ^alt Island. Our first Invasion was magnanimous and brave, whereat near upon 200 French Gentlemen perish'd, and divers Barons of Quality. My Lord of Newport had ill luck to disorder our Cavalry with an unruly horse he had : His Brother Sir Charles Rich was slain, and divers more upon retreat; among others, great Col. Gray fell into a Salt-pit, and being ready to be drown'd, he cry'd out. Cent mille escus pour ma rangon ; A hundred thousand Crowns for my ransom : the Frenchmen hearing that, preserved him, tho' he was not worth a hundred thousand pence. A merry passage a Captain told me, that when they were rifling the dead Bodies of the French Gentlemen after the first Invasion, they found that many of them had their Mistresses' Favours ty'd about their Genitories. The French do much glory to have repell'd us thus, and they have reason ; for the truth is, they comported themselves gallantly : yet they confess our landing was a notable piece of Courage, and if our Retreat had been answerable to the Invasion, we had lost no Honour at all. A great number of gallant Gentlemen fell on our side, as Sir John Heydon, Sir Jo. Bnrrowes, Sir John Blundel, Sir Alex. Bret, with divers Veteran Commanders, who came from the Netherlands to this Service. God send us better success the next time, for there is another Fleet preparing to be sent under the command of the Lord Denbigh, So I kiss your hand, and am — Your humble Servitor, J. H. Lond., 2 \ Sept. 1627. VI. To theUt. Honour all e the Lord Scroop, Earl q/" Sunderland, Lord President of the North. My Lord, MY Lord Denbigh is return'd from attempting to re- lieve Rochell, which is reduced to extreme exigence ; and now the Duke is preparing to go again, with as great Power 252 Familiar Letters. Book I. Power as was yet rais'd, notwithstanding that the Parlia- ment hath flown higher at him than ever : which makes the People here hardly wish any good success to the Expedition, because he is General. The Spaniard stands at a gaze all this while, hoping that we may do the work ; otherwise I think he would find some way to relieve the Town ; for there is nothing conduceth more to the uniting and strength- ning of the French Monarchy, than the reduction of Rochell. The King hath been there long in Person with his Cardinal ; and the stupendous works they have rais'd by Sea and Land are beyond belief, as they say. The Sea-works and Booms were trac'd out by Marquis Spinola, as he was passing that way for Spain from Flanders. The Parliament is prorogued till Michaelmas Term ; there were five Subsidies granted, the greatest gift that ever Subjects gave their King at once; and it was in requital that His Majesty pass'd the Petition of Right, whereby the Liberty of the free born Subject is so strongly and clearly vindicated. So that there is a fair correspondence like to be 'twixt His Majesty and the two Houses. The Duke made a notable Speech at the Council-Table in joy hereof; among other passages, one was. That hereafter His Majesty would please to make the Parliameiit his Favourite, and he to have the honour to remain still his Servant. No more now, but that I continue — Your Lordship's most dutiful Servant, J.H. Land., 25 Sept. 1628. vn. To the Right Hon. the Lady Scroop, Countess ©/"Sunderland ; from Stamford. Madam, I LAY yesternight at the Post-house at Stilton, and this morning betimes the Post-master came to my Bed's-head and told me the D. of Buckingham was slain : My Faith was not then strong enough to believe it, till an hour ago I met in the way with my Lord of Rutland (your Brother) riding Post Sect. 5. Familiar Letters. 253 Post towards London; it pleas'd him to alight, and shew me a Letter, wherein there was an exact relation of all the circumstances of this sad Tragedy. Upon Saturday last, which was but next before yesterday, being Bartholomew Eve, the Duke did rise up in a well- dispos'd humour out of his bed, and cut a Caper or two, and being ready, and having been under the Barber's hand, (where the murderer had thought to have done the deed, for he was leaning upon the window all the while), he went to breakfast, attended by a great company' of Commanders, where Mons. Soubize came to him, and whisper'd him in the ear that Rochel was reliev'd : The Duke seem'd to slight the news, which made some think that Soubize went away discontented. After breakfast, the Duke going out. Col. Fryer stept before him, and stopping him upon some busi- ness, and Lieut Felton being behind, made a thrust with a common tenpenny knife over Fryer^s arm at the Duke, which lighted so fatally, that he slit his heart in two, leav- ing the knife sticking in the body. The Duke took out the knife, and threw it away; and laying his hand on his Sword, and drawn it half out, said, The Villain hath kill'd me (meaning, as some think. Col. Fryer), for there had been some difference 'twixt them ; so, reeling against a chimney, he fell down dead. The Dutchess being with Child, hearing the noise below, came in her night-geers from her Bed-chamber, which was in an upper room, to a kind of rail, and thence beheld him weltering in his own blood. Felton had lost his hat in the croud, wherein there was a Paper sow'd, wherein he declar'd, that the reason which mov'd him to this Act was no grudge of his own, tho' he had been far behind for his pay, and had been put by his Captain's place twice, but in regard he thought the Duke an Enemy to the State, because he was branded in Parliament; therefore what he did was for the publick'good of his Country. Yet he got clearly down, and so might have gone to his horse, which was ty'd to a hedge hard by ; but he was so amaz'd that he miss'd his way, and so struck into 254 Familiar Letters. Book I. into the pastry, where, altho' the cry went that some French- man had done't, he thinking the word was Felton, boldly confess'd, 'twas he that had done the deed, and so he was in their hands. Jack Stamford would have run at him, but he was kept off by Mr. Nicholas ; so being carry'd up to a Tower, Capt. Mince tore off his Spurs, and asking how he durst attempt such an Act, making him believe the Duke was not dead, he answer'd boldly, that he knew he was dispatch'd, for 'twas not he, but the hand of Heaven that gave the stroke ; and tho' his whole body had been cover'd over with Armour of Proof, he could not have avoided it. Capt. Cha. Price went post presently to the King four miles off, who being at prayers on his knees when it was told him, yet never stirr'd, nor was he disturb'd a whit till all divine service was done. This was the relation, as far as my memory could bear, in my Lord of Rutland's Letter, who will'd me to remember him to your Ladyship, and tell you that he was going to comfort your niece (the Dutchess) as fast as he could. And so I have sent the truth of this sad story to your Ladyship, as fast as I could by this Post, because I cannot make that speed myself, in regard of some business I have to dispatch for my Lord in the way : So I humbly take ray leave, and rest — Your Ladyship's most dutiful Servant, J. H. Stamford 5 Aug. 1628. VIIL To the Right Hon. Sir Peter Wichts, His Majesty's Embassador at Constantinople. My Lord, YOURS of the ad of July came to safe hand, and I did all those particular Recaudo's you enjoin'd me to do to some of your Friends here. The Town of Rochell hath been fatal and unfortunate to England, for this is the third time that we have attempted to relieve her; but our Fleets and Forces returned without doing anything. My Lord of Lindsey went thither with the Sect. 5. Familiar Letters. 255 the same Fleet the Duke intended to go on, but is re- turn'd without doing any good ; he made some shots at the great Boom and other Barricadoes at Sea, but at such a distance, that they could do no hurt : insomuch that the Town is now given for lost, and to be past cure, and they cry out, we have betray'd them. At the return of this Fleet, two of the Whelps were cast away, and three Ships more, and some five Ships which had some of those great Stones that were brought to build Paul's, for ballast and for other uses, within them ; which could promise no good success ; for I never heard of anything that prosper'd, which being once designed for the Honour of God, was alienated from that use. The Queen interposeth for the releasement of my Lord of Newport and others, who are Prisoners of War. I hear that all the Colours they took from us are hung up in the great Church of Nostre-Dame, as tropheys in Paris. Since I began this Letter, there is news brought that Rochell hath yielded, and that the King hath dismantled the Town, and razed all the Fortifications landward, but leaves those standing which are toward the Sea. It is a mighty exploit the French King hath done, for Rochell was the chiefest propugnacle of the Protestants there ; and now, questionless, all the rest of their cautionary Towns which they kept for their own defence will yield ; so that they must depend hereafter upon the King's mere mercy. I hear of an overture of Peace 'twixt us and Spain, and that my Lord Cottington is to go thither, and Don Carlos Coloma to come to us. God grant it, for you know the Saying in Spanish, Nunca vi tan mala paz, que nofuera mejor, que la mejor guerra. It was a bold thing in England, to fall out with the two greatest Monarchs of Christendom, and to have them both Enemies at one time ; and as glorious a thing it was to bear up against them. God turn all to the best, and dispose of things to his Glory : so I rest — Your Lordship's ready Servitor, J. H. Lojid., I Sept. 1628. IX. 256 Familiar Letters. Book I. IX. To my Cousin, Mr. St. Geon, at Christ-Church College in Oxford. COUSIN, Tho' you want no incitements to go on in that fair Road of Virtue where you are now running your course, yet being lately in your noble Father's Com- pany, he did intimate to me, that anything which came from me would take with you very much. I hear so well of your Proceedings, that I should rather commend than encourage you. I know you were remov'd to Oxford in full maturity, you were a good Orator, a good Poet, and a good Linguist for your time ; I would not have that fate light upon you, which useth to befal some, who from golden Students, become silver Bachelors, and leaden Masters : I am far from entertaining such thought of you, that Logic with her quiddities, and Quce la vel Hipps, can any way unpolish your humane Studies. As Logic is clubfisted and crabbed, so she is terrible at first sight ; she is like a Gorgon's head to a young Student, but after a twelve- month's constancy and patience, this Gorgons head will prove a mere bugbear; when you have devour'd the Organon, you will find Philosophy far more delightful and pleasing to your Palate. In feeding the Soul with Knowledge, the Understanding requireth the same consecutive Acts which Nature useth in nourishing the Body. To the nutrition of the Body, there are two essential conditions requir'd. Assumption and Retention ; then there follows two more, 'Ke-^L'i and '7rp6<;Ta'\lrt extra. The Verse is as true for Sense and Feet : Intra Londini muros peccaiur &* extra ; Without and eke within The Walls of London there is sin. The way to better the Times, is for every one to mend one. I will conclude with this serious Invocation : I pray God avert those further Judgments (of Famine and Pesti- lence) which are hovering over this populous and once flourishing City, and dispose of the Brains and Hearts of this People to seek and serve him aright. I thank you for your last visit, and for the Poem you sent me since. So I am — Your most faithful Servitor, J. H. Fleet, 2, June. LII. To Mr. lohn Batty, Merchant. Sir, IRECEIV'D the printed discourse you pleas'd to send me, call'd The Merchant's Remonstrance, for which I return you due and deserved thanks. Truly, Sir, it is one of the most material and solid pieces I have read of this kind : And I discover therein two things ; 362 Familiar Letters. Book I. things j first, The affection you bear to your Country, with the resentment you have of these woful distractions : Then the Judgment and choice Experience you have purchased by your Negotiations in Spain and Germany. In you may be verified the tenet they hold in Italy, that the Merchant bred abroad is the best Commonwealths-man, being properly applied : For my part, I do not know any profession of life (especially in an Island) more to be cherish'd and countenanc'd with honourable employments than the Merchant-Adventurer (I do not mean only the Staplers of Hamburgh and Rotterdam); for if valiant and dangerous Actions do ennoble a Man, and make him merit, surely the Merchant-Adventurer deserves more honour than any ; for he is to encounter not only with Men of all Tempers and Humours, (as a French Counsellor hath it) but he contests and tugs oft-times with all the Elements : Nor do I see how some of our Country Squires, who sell Calves and Runts, and their Wives perhaps Cheese and Apples, should be held more genteel than the noble Merchant-Adventurer, who sells Silks and Sattins, Tissues and Cloths of Gold, Diamonds and Pearl, with Silver and Gold. In your discourse you foretell the sudden calamities which are like to befall this poor Island, if Trade decay ; and that this decay is inevitable, if these commotions last : Herein you are prov'd half a Prophet already, and I fear your Prophecy will be fully accomplish'd if matters hold thus. Good Lord ! was there ever People so active to draw on their own ruin ? Which is so visible, that a purblind Man may take a pros- pect of it. We all see this apparently, and hear it told us every minute ; but we are fallen to the condition of that foolish People the Prophet speaks of. Who had eyes, but would not see ; and ears, but would not hear. All Men know there is nothing imports this Island more than Trade ; it is that Wheel of Industry which sets all others a-going; it is that which preserves the chiefest Castles and Walls of this King- dom, I mean the Ships : And how these are impair'd within these four years, I believe other Nations (which owe us an Invasion) Sect. 6. Familiar Letters. 363 Invasion) observe and know better than we : For, truly, I believe a million (I mean of Crowns), and I speak within compass, will not put the Navy-Royal in that strength as it was four years since, besides the decay of Merchants Ships. A little before Athens was overcome, the Oracle told one of the Areopagitae, that Athens had seen her best days, for her wooden Walls (meaning her Ships) were decayed. As I told you before, there is a Nation or two that owe us an Invasion. No more now, but that, with my most kind and friendly respects unto you, I rest always — Yours to dispose of, J.H. Fleet, 4 May 1644. LIII. To my honoured Friend, Mr, E. P. Sir, THE Times are so ticklish, that I dare not adventure to send you any London intelligence, she being now a Garrison Town ; and you know, as well as I, what danger I may incur : But for foreign, indifferent news, you shall understand that Pope Urban VIII. is dead, having sat in the Chair above twenty years ; a rare thing ; for it is observed, that no Pope yet arriv'd to the years of St. Peter, who, they say, was Bishop of Rome twenty and five. Car- dinal Pamfilio, a Roman born, a knowing Man, and a great Lawyer, is created Pope by assumption of the Name of Innocent X. There was tough canvassing for voices, and a great contrasto in the Conclave 'twixt the Spanish and French Faction, who with Barberino stood for Sachetti ; but he was excluded, as also another Dominican : by these exclusions, the Spanish Party, whereof the Cardinal of Florence was chief, brought about Barberino to join with them for Pamphilio, as being also a creature of the deceased Pope. He had been Nuncio in Spain eight years, so that it is conceiv'd he is much devoted to that Crown, as his Predecessor was to the French, who had been Legate there near upon twenty years, and was Godfather to the last 364 Familiar Letters. Book I. last King; which made him to be Fleurdelize, to be Flower-de-luc'd all over. This New Pope hath already pass'd that number of years which the Prophet assigns to Man ; for he goes upon seventy-one, and is of a strong promising constitution to live some years longer. He hath but one Nephew, who is but eighteen, and so not capable of business ; he hath therefore made choice of some Car- dinals more to be his Coadjutors; Pancirello is his prime confident, and lodg'd in St. Peter's, 'Tis thought he will presently set all wheels a-going to mediate an universal Peace. They write of one good augury among the rest, that part of his Arms is a Dove, which hath been always held for an emblem of Peace : but I believe it will prove one of the knottiest and difficult'st tasks that ever was attempted as the case stands 'twixt the House of Austria and France ; and the toughest and hardest knot I hold to be that of Portugal ; for it cannot yet enter into any Man's imagina- tion, how that can be accommodated ; tho' many Politicians have beaten their brains about it. God Almighty grant, that the appeasing of our civil Wars prove not so intricate a work, and that we may at last take warning by the devastations of other Countries, before our own be past cure. They write from Paris, that Sir Kenelm Digly is to be employ'd to Rome from Her Majesty, in quality of a high Messenger of Honour, to congratulate the New Pope, not of an Ambassador, as the vulgar give out : for none can give that character to any, but a Sovereign independent Prince ; and all the World knows, that Her Majesty is under Covert-Baron, notwithstanding that some cry her up for Queen-Regent of England, as her Sister is of France. The Lord Auligny hath an Abbacy of 1500 Pistoles a year given him yearly there, and is fair for a Cardinal's Hat. I continue still under this heavy pressure of close restraint, nor do I see any hopes (God help me) of getting forth till the wind shift out of this unlucky hole. Howsoever, I am resolv'd, that if Innocence cannot free my body, vet Patience shall Sect. 6. Familiar Letters. 365 shall preserve my mind still in its freelorn thoughts : Nor shall this storm slacken a whit that firm league of love wherein I am eternally tied unto you. I will conclude with a Distich which I found among those excellent Poems of the late Pope : Quem valide strinxit prasianti pollice virtus, Nescius est solvi nodus amicitia. — Your constant Servitor, J. H. Fleet, J Jan. 1644. LIV. To the Lord Bishop of London, late Lord Treasurer of England. My Lord, YOU are one of the Miracles of these times, the greatest mirror of Moderation our Age affords; and as here- tofore when you carried the white Staff, with such clean incorrupted hands, yet the Crosier was still your chief care : nor was it perceiv'd, that that high all-obliging Office did alter you a jot, or alienate you from yourself, but the same candor and countenance of meekness appear'd still in you. As whosoever had occasion to make their address to your Gates, went away contented whether they sped in their business or not (a gift your Predecessor was said to want), so since the turbulency of these times, the same modera- tion shines in you, notwithstanding that the Mitre is so trampled upon, and that there be such violent Factions afoot: insomuch that you live not only secure from out- rages, but honoured by all Parties. 'Tis true, one thing fell out to your advantage, that you did not subscribe to that Petition which proved so fatal to Prelacy; but the chief ground of the constant esteem the distracted world hath still of you, is your wisdom and moderation, past and present. This put me in mind of one of your Predecessors (in your late Office), Marq. Pawlet, who it seems saiPd by the same compass; for there being divers bandyings and factions 366 Familiar Letters. Book I. factions at Court in his time, yet he was beloved by all parties, and being ask'd how he stood so right in the opinion of all, he answer' d, By leing a Willow, and not an Oak. I have many thanks to give your Lordship for the late visits I had; and when this cloud is scattered, that I may respire free air, one of my first Journeys shall be to kiss your Lordship's hands : in the interim, I rest — Your most devoted and ready Servitor, J. H. The Fleet, 3 SeJ>t. 1644. LV. To Sir E. S., Knight. Sir, THO' I never had the least umbrage of your love, or doubted of the reality thereof, yet since I fell into this plunge, it hath been much confirmed to me. It is a true observation, that among other effects of affliction, one is, to try a Friend ; for those proofs that were made in the fawnings, and dazzling Sunshine of prosperity, are not so clear as those which break out and transpire thro' the dark clouds of adversity. You know the difference the Philo- sophers make ^twixt the two extreme colours, black and white, that the one is congregativum, the other disgregativum visus : Black doth congregate, unite and fortify the Sight; the other disgregate, scatter and enfeeble it, when it fixeth upon any object: So through the sable clouds of adverse fortune, one may make a truer inspection into the breast of a Friend. Besides this, affliction produceth another far more excellent effect, it brings us to a better and more clear knowledge of our Creator: for as the rising and setting Sun appears bigger to us than when he is in the Meridian (tho' the distance be still the same), the cause whereof is ascrib'd to the interposition of mists, which lie 'twixt our eyes and him ; so through the thick fogs of adversity (which in this point are as pellucid and diaphanous as any Crystal) we come to see God, and the immensity of his Love in a fuller proportion. Sect. 6. Familiar Letters. 367 proportion. There cannot be clearer evidences of his care, than his corrections : when he makes the world to frown, then he smiles most upon us, tho' it be but thro' a mask : besides, it is always his method, to stroke them whom he strikes. We have an ordinary salute in English, God bless you; and tho' the word be radically derived from the Dutch word, yet it would bear good sense, and be very pertinent to this purpose, if we would fetch it from the French word blesser, which is to hurt. This speculation raiseth my spirits to a great height of comfort and patience, that notwith- standing they have been a long time weigh'd down and quash'd, yet I shall at last overcome all these pressures, sur- vive my debts, and surmount my enemies. God pardon them, and preserve you ; and take it not ill, that in this my conclusion I place you so near my enemies. Whatsoever Fortune light on me, come fair or foul weather, I shall be still — Your constant Servitor, J. H. Fleef, 5 of Aug. 1644. LVI. To Tho. Ham, Esq. Sir, nf~^HERE is no such treasure as a true Friend; it is a treasure far above that of St. Mark's in Venice ; a treasure that is not liable to those casualties which others are liable to, as to plundering and burglary, to bankrupts and ill debtors, to firing and shipwrecks : For when one hath lost his Fortunes by any of these disasters, he may recover them all in a true Friend, who is always a sure and stable commodity. This is verify'd in you, who have stuck so close to me in these my pressures ; like a Glow-worm (the old emblem of true Friendship) you have shin'd to me in the dark : Nor could you do good offices to any that wisheth you better ; for I always lov'd you for the freedom of your genius, for those choice parts and fancies I found in you, which, I confess, hath made me more covetous of your Friendship, than I use to be of others. And, to deal clearly with 368 Familiar Letters. Book I. with you, one of my prime Errands to this Town (when this disaster fell upon me) was to see you. God put a speedy period to these sad distempers ; but this wish, as I was writing it, did vanish in the impossibility of the thing, for I fear they are of a long continuance : so I pray God keep you, and comfort me, who am — Your true Friend to serve you, J. H. The Fleet, 5 May 1643. LVII. To Phil. Warwick, F,sq. Sir, THE Earth does not always produce Roses and Lillies, but she brings forth also Nettles and Thistles ; so the World affords us not always contentments and pleasures, but sometimes afflictions and trouble : Vt ilia trihulos, sic isle trihulationes producit. The Sea is not more subject to contrary blasts, nor the Surges thereof to tossings and tumblings, than the Actions of Men are to encumbrances and crosses ; the Air is not fuller of Meteors, than Man's life is of Miseries : But as we find that it is not a clear Sky, but the Clouds that drop Fatness, as the holy Text tells us, so adversity is far more fertile than prosperity ; it useth to water and mollify the heart, which is the centre of all our affections, and makes it produce excellent fruit ; whereas the glaring Sunshine of a continual prosperity would enharden and dry it up, and so make it barren. There is not a greater evidence of God's care and love to his creature than Affliction ; for a French Author doth illustrate it by a familiar Example : If two Boys should be seen to fight in the Streets, and a ring of people about them, one of the standers-by parting them, lets the one go untouch'd, but he falls a correcting the other, whereby the beholders will infer that he is his child, or at least one whom he wisheth well to : So the Strokes of adversity which fall upon us from Heaven shew that God is our Father, as well as our Creator. This makes this bitter cz//) of affliction become Nectar, and the Sect. 6. Familiar Letters. 369 the bread of carefulness I now eat, to be true Ambrosia to me. This makes me esteem these Walls, wherein I have been immur'd these thirty months, to be no other than a College of instruction to me; and whereas Varro said, That the great World was but a House of a little man, I hold a Fleet to be one of the best lodgings in that House. There is a people in Spain call'd Los Pattuecos, who some threescore and odd years since were discover'd by the flight of a Hawk of the old Duke of Alva's; this People, then all salvage (tho' they dwelt in the centre of Spain, not far from Toledo, and are yet held to be a part of those Aborigines that Tubal-Cain brought in), being hemmd in, and imprison d, as it were, by a multitude of huge craggy Mountains, thought that behind those Mountains there was no more Earth. I have been so habituated to this prison, and accustomed to the walls thereof so long, that I might well be brought to think, that there is no other world behind them. And in my extravagant imaginations, I often compare this Fleet to Noah's Ark surrounded with a vast Sea, and huge deluge of calamities, which have overwhelm'd this poor Island. Nor, altho' I have been so long aboard here, was I yet under Hatches ; for I have a Cabin upon the upper Deck, whence I breathe the best Air the place affords : add hereunto, that the Society of Master Hopkins is an advantage to me, who is one of the knowingest and most civil Gentlemen that I have convers'd withal. Moreover, there are here some choice Gentlemen who are my Co-Martyrs ; for a Prisoner and a Martyr are the same thing, save, that the one is buried before his death, the other after. God Almighty amend these times, that make Imprison- ment to be preferr'd before Liberty, it being more safe, and desirable by some, tho' not by — Your affectionate Servitor, J.H. From the Fleet, 3 Nov. 1645. 2 A Lvni. 9) \yo Familiar Letters. Book I. LVIII. ' To Sir Ed. Sa., Knight. Sir, WERE there a Physician that could cure the Maladies of the mind, as well as those of the body^ he needed not to wish the Lord-Mayor or the Pope for his Uncle, for he should have Patients without number. It is true, that there be some distempers of the mind that proceed from those of the body, and so are curable by Drugs and Diets; but there are others that are quite abstracted from all cor- poreal impressions, and are merely. mental; these kind of Agonies are the more violent of the two ; for as the one uses to drive us into Fevers, the other precipitates us oftentimes into Frensies : And • this is the ground, I believe, which made the Philosopher think that the rational Soul was in- fus'd into man, partly for his punishment, and the Under- standing for his executioner, unless Wisdom sit at the Helm, and steer the motions of his Will. I thank God I have felt both (for I am not made of stone or steel), having had since I was shut in here a shrewd fit of the new disease; and for the other, you must needs think that thirty-one months' close restraint, and the barbarousness of. the times, must discompose and torture the imagination, sometimes with gripings of discontent and anguish, not so much for my own sad condition as for my poor Country and Friends, who have a great share in my Nativity, and particu- larly for yourself, whose gallant worth I highly honour, and who have not been the least sufferer. . The Moralist tells us, that a quadrat solid wise man should involve and tackle himself within his own Virtue, and slight all accidents that are incident to man, and be still the same, Etiamsi fractus illahatur Orbis; there may be so much virtue and valour in you, but I profess to have neither of them in that proportion. The Philosophers prescribe us Rules that they themselves, nor any flesh and blood can observe : I am no statue, but I must resent the calamities of the Sect. 6. Familiar Letters. 371 the time, and the desperate case of this Nation, who seem to have fallen quite from the very faculty of reason, and to be possess'd with a pure Lycanthropy, with a wolvish kind of disposition to tear one another in this manner; insomuch, that if ever the old saying was verify'd, Homo homini lupus, it is certainly now. I will conclude with this Distich: T/iey err, who write, no Wolves in England range. Here Men are all turned Wolves ; O monstrous change ! No more, but that I wish you 'Patience, which is a Flower that grows not in ev'ry Garden. — Your faithful Servitor, J. H. From the Fleet, i Dec. 1644. LIX. To my noble Friend, Mr. E. P. Sir, I HAVE no other news to write to you hence, but that, Leuantanse los muladeres,y ahaxanse los adarues : The World is turned topsey-turvey . — Yours, J. H. From the Fleet, 2 Jan. 1644. LX. To Tho. Young, Esq. Sir, IRECEIV'D yours of the fifth oi March, and 'twas as wel- come to me as flowers in May, which are now coming on apace. You seem to marvel I do not marry all this while, considering that I am past the Meridian of my Age, and that to your knowledge there have been overtures made me of Parties above my degree. Truly, in this point, I will deal with you as one should do with his Confessor : Had I been dispos'd to have married for wealth without affection, or for affection without wealth, I had been in bonds before now ; but I did never cast my eyes upon any yet, that I thought I was born for, where both these concurred. 'Tis the custom of some (and 'tis a common custom) to chuse Wives by the 372 Familiar Letters. Book I. the weight, that is, by their wealth. Others fall in love with light Wives ; I do not mean Venerean lightness, but in reference to portion. The late Earl of Salisbury gives a caveat for this. That Beauty without a Dowry (without that unguentum hidicum) is as a gilded shell without a kernel; therefore he warns his Son to be sure to have something with his Wife, and his reason is. Because nothing can he bought in the Market without money. Indeed 'tis very fitting that he or she should have wherewith to support both, according to their quality, at least to keep the wolf from the door, otherwise 'twere a mere madness to marry ; but he who hath enough of his own to maintain a Wife, and marrieth only for money, discovereth a poor sordid disposi- tion. There is nothing that my nature disdains more, than to be a slave to Silver or Gold; for tho' they both carry the King's face, yet they shall never reign over me : And I would I were free from all other infirmities, as I am from this. I am none of those Mammonists who adore white and red Earth, and make their Princes picture their idol that way : Such may be said to be under a perpetual eclipse, for the Earth stands always 'twixt them and the fair face of Heaven. Yet my genius prompts me, that I was born under a Planet, not to die in a Lazaretto. At my nativity my ascendant was that hot constellation of Cancer about the Dogdays, as my Ephemerides tells me ; Mars was then pre- dominant: Of all the Elements Fire sways most in me; I have many aspiring and airy odd thoughts swell often in me, according to the quality of the ground whereon I was born, which was the belly of a huge Hill situated South-East; so that the House I came from (besides my Father and Mother's Coat) must needs be Illustrious, being more obvious to the Sun-beams than ordinary. I have, upon occasion of a sud- den distemper, sometimes a mad man, sometimes a fool, sometimes a melancholy odd fellow to deal withal ; I mean myself, for I have the humours within me that belong to all three; therefore who would cast herself away upon such a one? Besides, I came tumbling out into the World a pure Cadet, Sect. 6. Familiar Letters. 373 Cadet, a true Cosmopolite ; not born to Land, Lease, House, or Office : 'Tis true, I have purchas'd since a small spot of Ground upon Parnassus, which I hold in fee of the Muses, and I have endeavour'd to manure it as well as I could, tho' I confess it hath yielded me little fruit hitherto. And what Woman would be so mad as to take that only for her Joynture ? But to come to the point of Wiving, I would have you know, that I have, tho' never marry'd, divers children already, some French, some Latin, one Italian, and many English ; and tho' they be but poor brats of the brain, yet are they legitimate, and Jpollo himself vouchsafed to co- operate in their production. I have expos'd them to the wide World, to try their Fortunes ; and some (out of com- pliment) would make me believe they are long-liv'd. But to come at last to your kind of Wiving: I acknow- ledge that Marriage is an honourable Condition, nor dare I think otherwise without profaneness, for it is the Epithet the holy Text gives it : Therefore it was a wild Speech of the Philosopher to say, That ij' our conversation could be without Women, Angels would come down and dwell among us ; and a wilder speech it was of the Cynic, when passing by a Tree where a Maid had made herself away, wish'd. That all Trees might bear such Fruit. But to pass from these moth-eaten Philosophers to a modern Physician of our own, it was a most unmanly thing in him, while he displays his own Religion, to wish that there were a way to propagate the World otherwise than by conjunction with Women (and Paracelsus undertakes to shew him the way), whereby he seems to repine (tho' I understand he was wiv'd a little after) at the honourable degree of Marriage, which I hold to be the prime Link of human Society, the chiefest happiness of Mortals, and wherein Heaven hath a special hand. But I wonder why you write to me of Wiving, when you know I have much ado to man or maintain myself, as I told you before; yet notwithstanding that the better part of 374 Familiar Letters. Book I. of my days are already threaded upon the string of Timet I will not despair^ but I may have a Wife at last, that may perhaps enable me to build Hospitals : for altho' nine long lustres of years have now pass'd o'er my head, and some Winters more (for all my life, considering the few Sun- shines I have had, may be call'd nothing but Winters), yet, I thank God for't, I find no symptom of decay, either in body, sense, or intellectuals. But, writing thus extra- vagantly, methinks I hear you say. That this Letter shews I begin to dote, and grow idle ; therefore I will display myself no further to you at this time. To tell you the naked truth, my dear Tom, the highest pitch of my aim is, that by some condition or other, I may be enabled at last (tho' I be put to sow, the time that others use to reap) to quit scores with the World, but never to cancel that precious obligation wherein I am indissolubly bound to live and die — Your true constant Friend, J. H. From the Meet, 28 of Apr. 1645. AD LIB RUM: Sine jfie, Liber, ibis in Aulam, • Hei mihi, quod Domino non licet ire ttw ! Ovid. To his Book : Thou mafst to Court, and progress to and fro ; Oh, that thy captiv'd Master could do so ! r Familiar % UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. ^ MOM n 1985. ORION 3.QQ LD/URL APR ^ 89 ^D d;-o... APR TSuBL DEC 06 '89 .u Si?"' •i/^^^^' [^uT NOV 2 01987 ■WS L0 URL ^ " '•^"' N0Vr091987 PSD 2343 9/77 "'-"' \i ^J^'-'l ^Aavdani^N^ 4?'' ^. \ ^^OFCAIIFO/?^ ^ '^c'Ayvaan-^^ > /^ .>:lOSANCElfX>^ -r o ^ i i -n '-J ., . _ ^>^UIBRARYQ<^ iV^ ^ "C SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY '^<5/OJnV3JO'^ ^^llIBRARYQ^ ^ %a3AiNnjWV^ ^ o ^/5il3\IN0 3UV ^HIBRARYOr ^l-LIBRARY^^^ ^iyojiivj-jo"^ "^-tfOJuvDjo^ ^WEUNIVERi"//,